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THE importance of the Union, in a commercial light, is one of those points 
        about which there is least room to entertain a difference of opinion, 
        and which has, in fact, commanded the most general assent of men who have 
        any acquaintance with the subject. This applies as well to our intercourse 
        with foreign countries as with each other. There are appearances to authorize a supposition that the adventurous 
        spirit, which distinguishes the commercial character of America, has already 
        excited uneasy sensations in several of the maritime powers of Europe. 
        They seem to be apprehensive of our too great interference in that carrying 
        trade, which is the support of their navigation and the foundation of 
        their naval strength. Those of them which have colonies in America look 
        forward to what this country is capable of becoming, with painful solicitude. 
        They foresee the dangers that may threaten their American dominions from 
        the neighborhood of States, which have all the dispositions, and would 
        possess all the means, requisite to the creation of a powerful marine. 
        Impressions of this kind will naturally indicate the policy of fostering 
        divisions among us, and of depriving us, as far as possible, of an ACTIVE 
        COMMERCE in our own bottoms. This would answer the threefold purpose of 
        preventing our interference in their navigation, of monopolizing the profits 
        of our trade, and of clipping the wings by which we might soar to a dangerous 
        greatness. Did not prudence forbid the detail, it would not be difficult 
        to trace, by facts, the workings of this policy to the cabinets of ministers. If we continue united, we may counteract a policy so unfriendly to our 
        prosperity in a variety of ways. By prohibitory regulations, extending, 
        at the same time, throughout the States, we may oblige foreign countries 
        to bid against each other, for the privileges of our markets. This assertion 
        will not appear chimerical to those who are able to appreciate the importance 
        of the markets of three millions of people--increasing in rapid progression, 
        for the most part exclusively addicted to agriculture, and likely from 
        local circumstances to remain so--to any manufacturing nation; and the 
        immense difference there would be to the trade and navigation of such 
        a nation, between a direct communication in its own ships, and an indirect 
        conveyance of its products and returns, to and from America, in the ships 
        of another country. Suppose, for instance, we had a government in America, 
        capable of excluding Great Britain (with whom we have at present no treaty 
        of commerce) from all our ports; what would be the probable operation 
        of this step upon her politics? Would it not enable us to negotiate, with 
        the fairest prospect of success, for commercial privileges of the most 
        valuable and extensive kind, in the dominions of that kingdom? When these 
        questions have been asked, upon other occasions, they have received a 
        plausible, but not a solid or satisfactory answer. It has been said that 
        prohibitions on our part would produce no change in the system of Britain, 
        because she could prosecute her trade with us through the medium of the 
        Dutch, who would be her immediate customers and paymasters for those articles 
        which were wanted for the supply of our markets. But would not her navigation 
        be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being 
        her own carrier in that trade? Would not the principal part of its profits 
        be intercepted by the Dutch, as a compensation for their agency and risk? 
        Would not the mere circumstance of freight occasion a considerable deduction? 
        Would not so circuitous an intercourse facilitate the competitions of 
        other nations, by enhancing the price of British commodities in our markets, 
        and by transferring to other hands the management of this interesting 
        branch of the British commerce? A mature consideration of the objects suggested by these questions will 
        justify a belief that the real disadvantages to Britain from such a state 
        of things, conspiring with the pre-possessions of a great part of the 
        nation in favor of the American trade, and with the importunities of the 
        West India islands, would produce a relaxation in her present system, 
        and would let us into the enjoyment of privileges in the markets of those 
        islands elsewhere, from which our trade would derive the most substantial 
        benefits. Such a point gained from the British government, and which could 
        not be expected without an equivalent in exemptions and immunities in 
        our markets, would be likely to have a correspondent effect on the conduct 
        of other nations, who would not be inclined to see themselves altogether 
        supplanted in our trade. A further resource for influencing the conduct of European nations toward 
        us, in this respect, would arise from the establishment of a federal navy. 
        There can be no doubt that the continuance of the Union under an efficient 
        government would put it in our power, at a period not very distant, to 
        create a navy which, if it could not vie with those of the great maritime 
        powers, would at least be of respectable weight if thrown into the scale 
        of either of two contending parties. This would be more peculiarly the 
        case in relation to operations in the West Indies. A few ships of the 
        line, sent opportunely to the reinforcement of either side, would often 
        be sufficient to decide the fate of a campaign, on the event of which 
        interests of the greatest magnitude were suspended. Our position is, in 
        this respect, a most commanding one. And if to this consideration we add 
        that of the usefulness of supplies from this country, in the prosecution 
        of military operations in the West Indies, it will readily be perceived 
        that a situation so favorable would enable us to bargain with great advantage 
        for commercial privileges. A price would be set not only upon our friendship, 
        but upon our neutrality. By a steady adherence to the Union we may hope, 
        erelong, to become the arbiter of Europe in America, and to be able to 
        incline the balance of European competitions in this part of the world 
        as our interest may dictate. But in the reverse of this eligible situation, we shall discover that 
        the rivalships of the parts would make them checks upon each other, and 
        would frustrate all the tempting advantages which nature has kindly placed 
        within our reach. In a state so insignificant our commerce would be a 
        prey to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations at war with each other; 
        who, having nothing to fear from us, would with little scruple or remorse, 
        supply their wants by depredations on our property as often as it fell 
        in their way. The rights of neutrality will only be respected when they 
        are defended by an adequate power. A nation, despicable by its weakness, 
        forfeits even the privilege of being neutral. Under a vigorous national government, the natural strength and resources 
        of the country, directed to a common interest, would baffle all the combinations 
        of European jealousy to restrain our growth. This situation would even 
        take away the motive to such combinations, by inducing an impracticability 
        of success. An active commerce, an extensive navigation, and a flourishing 
        marine would then be the offspring of moral and physical necessity. We 
        might defy the little arts of the little politicians to control or vary 
        the irresistible and unchangeable course of nature. But in a state of disunion, these combinations might exist and might 
        operate with success. It would be in the power of the maritime nations, 
        availing themselves of our universal impotence, to prescribe the conditions 
        of our political existence; and as they have a common interest in being 
        our carriers, and still more in preventing our becoming theirs, they would 
        in all probability combine to embarrass our navigation in such a manner 
        as would in effect destroy it, and confine us to a PASSIVE COMMERCE. We 
        should then be compelled to content ourselves with the first price of 
        our commodities, and to see the profits of our trade snatched from us 
        to enrich our enemies and p rsecutors. That unequaled spirit of enterprise, 
        which signalizes the genius of the American merchants and navigators, 
        and which is in itself an inexhaustible mine of national wealth, would 
        be stifled and lost, and poverty and disgrace would overspread a country 
        which, with wisdom, might make herself the admiration and envy of the 
        world. There are rights of great moment to the trade of America which are rights 
        of the Union--I allude to the fisheries, to the navigation of the Western 
        lakes, and to that of the Mississippi. The dissolution of the Confederacy 
        would give room for delicate questions concerning the future existence 
        of these rights; which the interest of more powerful partners would hardly 
        fail to solve to our disadvantage. The disposition of Spain with regard 
        to the Mississippi needs no comment. France and Britain are concerned 
        with us in the fisheries, and view them as of the utmost moment to their 
        navigation. They, of course, would hardly remain long indifferent to that 
        decided mastery, of which experience has shown us to be possessed in this 
        valuable branch of traffic, and by which we are able to undersell those 
        nations in their own markets. What more natural than that they should 
        be disposed to exclude from the lists such dangerous competitors? This branch of trade ought not to be considered as a partial benefit. 
        All the navigating States may, in different degrees, advantageously participate 
        in it, and under circumstances of a greater extension of mercantile capital, 
        would not be unlikely to do it. As a nursery of seamen, it now is, or 
        when time shall have more nearly assimilated the principles of navigation 
        in the several States, will become, a universal resource. To the establishment 
        of a navy, it must be indispensable. To this great national object, a NAVY, union will contribute in various 
        ways. Every institution will grow and flourish in proportion to the quantity 
        and extent of the means concentred towards its formation and support. 
        A navy of the United States, as it would embrace the resources of all, 
        is an object far less remote than a navy of any single State or partial 
        confederacy, which would only embrace the resources of a single part. 
        It happens, indeed, that different portions of confederated America possess 
        each some peculiar advantage for this essential establishment. The more 
        southern States furnish in greater abundance certain kinds of naval stores--tar, 
        pitch, and turpentine. Their wood for the construction of ships is also 
        of a more solid and lasting texture. The difference in the duration of 
        the ships of which the navy might be composed, if chiefly constructed 
        of Southern wood, would be of signal importance, either in the view of 
        naval strength or of national economy. Some of the Southern and of the 
        Middle States yield a greater plenty of iron, and of better quality. Seamen 
        must chiefly be drawn from the Northern hive. The necessity of naval protection 
        to external or maritime commerce does not require a particular elucidation, 
        no more than the conduciveness of that species of commerce to the prosperity 
        of a navy. An unrestrained intercourse between the States themselves will advance 
        the trade of each by an interchange of their respective productions, not 
        only for the supply of reciprocal wants at home, but for exportation to 
        foreign markets. The veins of commerce in every part will be replenished, 
        and will acquire additional motion and vigor from a free circulation of 
        the commodities of every part. Commercial enterprise will have much greater 
        scope, from the diversity in the productions of different States. When 
        the staple of one fails from a bad harvest or unproductive crop, it can 
        call to its aid the staple of another. The variety, not less than the 
        value, of products for exportation contributes to the activity of foreign 
        commerce. It can be conducted upon much better terms with a large number 
        of materials of a given value than with a small number of materials of 
        the same value; arising from the competitions of trade and from the fluctations 
        of markets. Particular articles may be in great demand at certain periods, 
        and unsalable at others; but if there be a variety of articles, it can 
        scarcely happen that they should all be at one time in the latter predicament, 
        and on this account the operations of the merchant would be less liable 
        to any considerable obstruction or stagnation. The speculative trader 
        will at once perceive the force of these observations, and will acknowledge 
        that the aggregate balance of the commerce of the United States would 
        bid fair to be much more favorable than that of the thirteen States without 
        union or with partial unions. It may perhaps be replied to this, that whether the States are united 
        or disunited, there would still be an intimate intercourse between them 
        which would answer the same ends; this intercourse would be fettered, 
        interrupted, and narrowed by a multiplicity of causes, which in the course 
        of these papers have been amply detailed. A unity of commercial, as well 
        as political, interests, can only result from a unity of government. There are other points of view in which this subject might be placed, 
        of a striking and animating kind. But they would lead us too far into 
        the regions of futurity, and would involve topics not proper for a newspaper 
        discussion. I shall briefly observe, that our situation invites and our 
        interests prompt us to aim at an ascendant in the system of American affairs. 
        The world may politically, as well as geographically, be divided into 
        four parts, each having a distinct set of interests. Unhappily for the 
        other three, Europe, by her arms and by her negotiations, by force and 
        by fraud, has, in different degrees, extended her dominion over them all. 
        Africa, Asia, and America, have successively felt her domination. The 
        superiority she has long maintained has tempted her to plume herself as 
        the Mistress of the World, and to consider the rest of mankind as created 
        for her benefit. Men admired as profound philosophers have, in direct 
        terms, attributed to her inhabitants a physical superiority, and have 
        gravely asserted that all animals, and with them the human species, degenerate 
        in America--that even dogs cease to bark after having breathed awhile 
        in our atmosphere.[1] Facts have too long supported these 
        arrogant pretensions of the Europeans. It belongs to us to vindicate the 
        honor of the human race, and to teach that assuming brother, moderation. 
        Union will enable us to do it. Disunion will will add another victim to 
        his triumphs. Let Americans disdain to be the instruments of European 
        greatness! Let the thirteen States, bound together in a strict and indissoluble 
        Union, concur in erecting one great American system, superior to the control 
        of all transatlantic force or influence, and able to dictate the terms 
        of the connection between the old and the new world!