From f0c0b9dff919e59ab39a4a484d175bc08afc8c68 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: Jeremy Dohmann Date: Sat, 11 Nov 2023 21:00:08 -0500 Subject: [PATCH] update readm; rename gauntlet yamls --- llmfoundry/utils/builders.py | 2 +- scripts/eval/local_data/MODEL_GAUNTLET.md | 174 ++++-- .../agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl | 531 +++++++++--------- .../agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl | 392 ++++++------- scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet.yaml | 168 ++++-- scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet_v0.1.yaml | 200 +++++++ scripts/eval/yamls/tasks.yaml | 155 +++-- scripts/eval/yamls/tasks_v0.1.yaml | 266 +++++++++ 8 files changed, 1240 insertions(+), 648 deletions(-) create mode 100644 scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet_v0.1.yaml create mode 100644 scripts/eval/yamls/tasks_v0.1.yaml diff --git a/llmfoundry/utils/builders.py b/llmfoundry/utils/builders.py index 8e12828a9d..6fb1e7d264 100644 --- a/llmfoundry/utils/builders.py +++ b/llmfoundry/utils/builders.py @@ -300,7 +300,7 @@ def _validate_cfg(icl_cfg: DictConfig): if dist.get_local_rank() == 0 and os.path.exists(destination_path): os.remove(destination_path) dist.barrier() - + dataloaders = get_icl_task_dataloader( icl_cfg.icl_task_type, icl_cfg.dataset_uri, diff --git a/scripts/eval/local_data/MODEL_GAUNTLET.md b/scripts/eval/local_data/MODEL_GAUNTLET.md index 4a0c8b93fe..f495a317cc 100644 --- a/scripts/eval/local_data/MODEL_GAUNTLET.md +++ b/scripts/eval/local_data/MODEL_GAUNTLET.md @@ -48,251 +48,345 @@ Reading comprehension benchmarks test a model’s ability to answer questions ba - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: ~0% - 4. BoolQ - Description: BoolQ consists of 3,270 short passages on a diverse range of subjects followed by a yes/no questions. The model is expected to answer in multiple-choice format. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: ~50% +5. CoQA + - Description: CoQA consists of 7,983 passage-based short free response questions. For each passage there is a series of related questions. Each question is formatted with the document as well as all the preceding questions/answers provided in context. The model is evaluated using exact match accuracy. + - Year released: 2018 + - Number of few shot examples: 0 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% + +6. AGI Eval LSAT Reading Comprehension + - Description: LSAT Reading Comprehension consists of 268 passage-based four choice multiple choice questions focused on a variety of information-focused domains like politics, business, economics, and science. The questions rely on the models ability to extract basic info from the texts. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 25% + +7. AGI Eval LSAT Logical Reasoning + - Description: LSAT Logical Reasoning consists of 510 passage-based four choice multiple choice questions in which the model must draw complex conclusions from passages on a diverse range of subjects. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 25% + +8. AGI Eval SAT English + - Description: SAT English consists of 206 passage-based four choice multiple choice questions in which the model must comprehend highschool level passages. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 25% ### Commonsense Reasoning Commonsense reasoning tests the models’ ability to perform basic reasoning tasks that require commonsense knowledge of objects, their properties, and their behavior. -5. BIG-bench: Strategy QA +9. BIG-bench: Strategy QA - Description: BIG-bench strategy QA consists of 2,289 very eclectic yes/no questions on a wide range of commonsense subjects, e.g “Can fish get Tonsilitis?” - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 -6. BIG-bench: Strange Stories +10. BIG-bench: Strange Stories - Description: BIG-bench strange stories consists of 174 short stories followed by a two-choice multiply choice question in which the model is asked to make commonsense inferences about the characters in the stories, how they might feel, and why they act in certain ways. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% -7. BIG-bench: Novel Concepts +11. BIG-bench: Novel Concepts - Description: BIG-bench novel concepts consists or 32 find-the-common-concept problems in which the model is given 3 words and has to choose from among 4 possible concepts that they all have in common. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -8. COPA +12. COPA - Description: COPA consists of 100 cause/effect multiple choice questions in which the model is prompted with a premise and the model must choose correctly between two possible causes/effects of the premise. - Year released: 2011 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% -9. PIQA +13. PIQA - Description: PIQA consists of 1,838 commonsense physical intuition 2-choice multiple choice questions. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% -10. OpenBook QA +14. OpenBook QA - Description: OpenBook QA consists of 500 four-choice multiple choice questions that rely on basic physical and scientific intuition about common objects and entities. - Year released: 2018 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% +15. SIQA + - Description: Social Interaction QA consists of 1954 two-choice multiple choice questions that test a model's ability to draw emotional and social conclusions about the participants in everyday situations. + - Year released: 2019 + - Number of few shot examples: 10 + - Random baseline accuracy: 50% + +16. Commonsense QA + - Description: Commonsense QA consists of 1,221 four-choice multiple choice questions that rely on very basic commonsense reasoning about everyday items. + - Year released: 2019 + - Number of few shot examples: 10 + - Random baseline accuracy: 25% ### World knowledge -11. Jeopardy +17. Jeopardy - Description: Jeopardy consists of 2,117 Jeopardy questions separated into 5 categories: Literature, American History, World History, Word Origins, and Science. The model is expected to give the exact correct response to the question. It was custom curated by MosaicML from a larger Jeopardy set available on [Huggingface](https://huggingface.co/datasets/jeopardy). - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -12. MMLU +18. MMLU - Description: MMLU consists of 14,042 four-choice multiple choice questions distributed across 57 categories. The questions are in the style of academic standardized tests and the model is provided the question and the choices and is expected to choose between A, B, C, and D as its outputs. The subjects range from jurisprudence, to math, to morality. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -13. BIG-bench: wikidata +19. BIG-bench: wikidata - Description: BIG-bench wikidata consists of 20,321 questions regarding factual information pulled from wikipedia. Questions range from the native language of celebrities to the country that different regions belong to. Models are given a sentence such as “The country of citizenship of Barack Obama is” and are expected to complete the sentence with e.g. “the United States.” - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: ~0% -14. ARC easy +20. ARC easy - Description: ARC easy consists of 2,376 easy four-choice multiple choice science questions drawn from grade 3-9 science exams. The questions rely on world knowledge related to basic science. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -15. ARC challenge +21. ARC challenge - Description: ARC easy consists of 2,376 easy four-choice multiple choice science questions drawn from grade 3-9 science exams. The questions rely on scientific world knowledge and some procedural reasoning. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -16. BIG-bench misconceptions +22. BIG-bench misconceptions - Description: Big bench misconceptions consists of 219 true or false questions regarding common misconceptions about a variety of topics including urban legends, stereotypes, basic science, and law. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% +23. Trivia QA - modified + - Description: Trivia QA is a question answering dataset that assesses the model's ability to produce free-response short answers to trivia questions. We've subsampled it to contain 3,000 questions and we've clipped all answers to be at most 10 tokens long in order to improve speed. + - Year released: 2017 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% ### Symbolic problem solving Symbolic problem solving tasks test the model’s ability to solve a diverse range of symbolic tasks including arithmetic, logical reasoning, algorithms, and algebra. -17. BIG-bench elementary math QA +24. BIG-bench elementary math QA - Description: Big bench elementary math QA consists of 38,160 four-choice multiple choice arithmetic word problems. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -18. BIG-bench dyck languages +25. BIG-bench dyck languages - Description: Big bench dyck languages consists of 1000 complete-the-sequence questions, in which a partially completed balanced expression consisting of parentheses and braces is given, and the model needs to output the exact tokens necessary in order to complete the balanced expression. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -19. BIG-bench dyck languages +26. BIG-bench dyck languages - Description: Big bench dyck languages consists of 1000 complete-the-sequence questions, in which a partially completed balanced expression consisting of parentheses and braces is given, and the model needs to output the exact tokens necessary in order to complete the balanced expression. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -20. BIG-bench cs algorithms  +27. BIG-bench cs algorithms  - Description: Big bench cs algorithms consists of 1,320 samples of questions falling into one of two types. In the first type the model must determine the length of the longest common subsequence of two strings, and in the second type the model must determine whether an expression consisting of parentheses and braces is balanced. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -21. BIG-bench logical deduction +28. BIG-bench logical deduction - Description: Big bench logical deduction consists of 1500 four-choice multiple choice questions, in which the model is posed with a number of logical constraints describing the relative ordering of some number of objects. The model must then choose from among a list of four statements, which statement is the only one that is logically consistent with the constraints posed. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -22. BIG-bench operators +29. BIG-bench operators - Description: Big bench logical operators consists of 210 questions, in which a number of mathematical operators are defined and the model is expected to calculate the result of some expression consisting of those defined operators. This tests the model’s ability to handle mathematical abstractions and apply them appropriately. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -23. BIG-bench repeat copy logic +30. BIG-bench repeat copy logic - Description: Big bench repeat copy logic consists of 32 tasks in which the model is commanded to repeat some combination of words some number of times in a particular order, and the model is expected to output the correct result. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -24. Simple arithmetic with spaces +31. Simple arithmetic with spaces - Description: Simple arithmetic with spaces was developed by MosaicML. It consists of 1000 arithmetic problems consisting of up to 3 operations and using numbers of up to 3 digits. There is spacing between all numbers and operators. The model is expected to calculate the correct result of the expression using the appropriate order of operations. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -25. Simple arithmetic without spaces +32. Simple arithmetic without spaces - Description: Simple arithmetic with spaces was developed by MosaicML. It consists of 1000 arithmetic problems consisting of up to 3 operations and using numbers of up to 3 digits. There is no spacing between any of the numbers and operators. The model is expected to calculate the correct result of the expression using the appropriate order of operations. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -26. Math QA +33. Math QA - Description: Math QA consists of 2,983 four-choice multiple choice math word problems. The questions require basic reasoning, language comprehension, and arithmetic/algebraic skills. - Year released: 2021 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -27. LogiQA - - Description: LogiQA consists of 651 four-choice multiple choice logical word problems.The questions involve making logical deductions based on mathematical and symbolic descriptions of problems. +34. LogiQA + - Description: LogiQA consists of 651 four-choice multiple choice logical word problems. The questions involve making logical deductions based on mathematical and symbolic descriptions of problems. - Year released: 2020 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% +35. AGI Eval LSAT Analytical Reasoning + - Description: AGI Eval LSAT Analytical Reasoning consists of 230 four-choice multiple choice logic puzzles. The questions are taken from the AGI Eval benchmark. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 25% + +36. AGI Eval SAT Math + - Description: AGI Eval SAT Math consists of 220 short, free-response SAT math questions in which the model is prompted to use chain-of-thought reasoning to produce properly formatted latex solutions to the problems. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% + +37. AQUA-RAT + - Description: AQUA-RAT (Algebra Question Answering with Rationales) consists of 245 simple arithmetic short, free-response word problems in which the model is prompted to use chain-of-thought reasoning to produce correct numerical and algebraic solutions. Unlike the original dataset which is framed as a multiple choice test, we prompt the model to produce the exact correct answer without seeing any available chocies. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% + +38. GSM8K + - Description: GSM8K consists of 1,319 short, free-response grade school-level arithmetic word problems with simple numerical solutions. The model is prompted to use chain-of-thought reasoning before giving a final answer. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% + +39. SVAMP + - Description: SVAMP consists of 300 short, free-response grade school-level arithmetic word problems with simple numerical solutions. The model is prompted to use chain-of-thought reasoning before giving a final answer. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 0% ### Language understanding Language understanding tasks evaluate the model’s ability to understand the structure and properties of languages, including determining which types of sentences are more likely than others, performing translations between languages, and identifying languages. -28. LAMBADA +40. LAMBADA - Description: LAMBADA consists of 5,153 passages take from books. The model is expected to read the first N-1 words of each passage and predict the final token. - Year released: 2016 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -29. HellaSwag +41. HellaSwag - Description: HellaSwag consists of 10,042 multiple choice scenarios in which the model is prompted with a scenario and choose the most likely conclusion to the scenario from four possible options. - Year released: 2019 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -30. Winograd Schema Challenge +42. Winograd Schema Challenge - Description: The Winograd Schema Challenge consists of 273 scenarios in which the model must use semantics to correctly resolve the anaphora in a sentence. Two possible beginnings to a sentence are presented as well as an ending. Both involve some anaphora being resolved in a different way, only one of which would be semantically valid, and the model must choose which option produces the valid resolution. - Year released: 2012 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% -31. Winogrande +43. Winogrande - Description: The Winogrande consists of 1,267 scenarios in which two possible beginnings of a sentence are presented along with a single ending. Both combinations are syntactically valid, but only one is semantically valid, and the model must choose the one that is semantically valid. - Year released: 2012 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 50% -32. BIG bench language identification +44. BIG bench language identification - Description: BIG bench language identification consists of 10,000 four-choice multiple choice questions in which a sentence in some language besides english is presented and the model is prompted to identify the language of the sentence amongst four options. - Year released: 2012 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -33. BIG bench conceptual combinations +45. BIG bench conceptual combinations - Description: BIG bench conceptual combinations consists of 103 four-choice multiple choice questions in which the model is presented with a made up word and its definition along with a multiple choice question regarding the meaning of a sentence using that made up word. The model is then expected to select the correct answer among the choices presented. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 10 - Random baseline accuracy: 25% -34. BIG bench conlang translation +46. BIG bench conlang translation - Description: BIG bench conlang translation consists of 164 example problems in which the model is given translations of simple sentences between English and some fake constructed language. The model is then tested for its ability to translate a complex sentence in the fake language into English. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% +### Safety + +The Safety category consists of benchmarks designed to assess model's toxicity, bias, and legal compliance. + +47. BBQ + - Description: Bias Benchmark for QA (BBQ) is a multiple choice dataset constructed to determine a model's level of stereotyping and bias against 11 different protected groups. Though originally designed as a three-choice multiple choice test we reformatted it to use two choices. It consists of 58,492 samples split across 11 categories. + - Year released: 2022 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 50% + +48. Enterprise PII Classification + - Description: Enterprise PII Classification was released by Patronus AI through the MosaicML Eval Gauntlet. It is a two-choice classification task in which a model is presented with small passages and must determine whether the passage contains sensitive or personal identifiable information (PII). It consists of 3,395 samples. + - Year released: 2023 + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 50% + +49. Winogender Multiple Choice (Male) + - Description: The Winogender Multiple Choice (Male) dataset is a custom formatting of the Winogender dataset introduced specifically for this repository. It consists of a 60-sentence subset of the original Winogender dataset in which a male pronoun's resolution is syntactically ambiguous, but obvious from the semantics of the sentence, though it is constructed such that the pronoun resolves to a profession that is atypical for a man, (e.g. secretary) according to BLS labor statistics. It is formatted as a two-choice multiple choice test in which the model must correctly identify which of two participants the pronoun refers to. + - Year released: 2018 (curated 2023) + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 50% + +50. Winogender Multiple Choice (Female) + - Description: The Winogender Multiple Choice (Female) dataset is a custom formatting of the Winogender dataset introduced specifically for this repository. It consists of a 60-sentence subset of the original Winogender dataset in which a female pronoun's resolution is syntactically ambiguous, but obvious from the semantics of the sentence, though it is constructed such that the pronoun resolves to a profession that is atypical for a woman, (e.g. engineer) according to BLS labor statistics. It is formatted as a two-choice multiple choice test in which the model must correctly identify which of two participants the pronoun refers to. + - Year released: 2018 (curated 2023) + - Number of few shot examples: 3 + - Random baseline accuracy: 50% ### Programming Programming tasks evaluate the model's ability to understand code, write functionally correct code given a specification, simulate code, and document code. Right now we just have HumanEval but later versions will include more. -35. HumanEval Python code generation +51. HumanEval Python code generation - Description: HumanEval Python consists of 164 python programming challenges, in which the model is presented with the method signature and docstring comment for a python program and is expected to complete the program. We then test the resultant code’s functional correctness on a number of test input/output pairs. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -36. HumanEval C++ code generation +52. HumanEval C++ code generation - Description: HumanEval C++ consists of 161 C++ programming challenges, in which the model is presented with the method signature and docstring comment for a C++ program and is expected to complete the program. We then test the resultant code’s functional correctness on a number of test input/output pairs. The C++ translation of HumanEval comes from the [CodeGeex](https://huggingface.co/datasets/THUDM/humaneval-x/viewer/cpp) project. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -37. HumanEval JS code generation +53. HumanEval JS code generation - Description: HumanEval JS consists of 164 Javscript programming challenges, in which the model is presented with the method signature and docstring comment for a Javacript program and is expected to complete the program. We then test the resultant code’s functional correctness on a number of test input/output pairs. The JS translation of HumanEval comes from the [CodeGeex](https://huggingface.co/datasets/THUDM/humaneval-x/viewer/cpp) project. - Year released: 2022 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -38. HumanEval Python 25% code generation +54. HumanEval Python 25% code generation - Description: HumanEval Python 25% is an easier variant of HumanEval Python in which in addition to the original method signature, the model is also provided 25% of the lines in the canonical solution and expected to complete the reaminder of the program. It consists of 164 samples. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -39. HumanEval Python 50% code generation +55. HumanEval Python 50% code generation - Description: HumanEval Python 50% is an easier variant of HumanEval Python in which in addition to the original method signature, the model is also provided 50% of the lines in the canonical solution and expected to complete the reaminder of the program. It consists of 164 samples. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -40. HumanEval Python 75% code generation +56. HumanEval Python 75% code generation - Description: HumanEval Python 75% is an easier variant of HumanEval Python in which in addition to the original method signature, the model is also provided 75% of the lines in the canonical solution and expected to complete the reaminder of the program. It consists of 164 samples. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -41. HumanEval Python simple return statement code generation +57. HumanEval Python simple return statement code generation - Description: HumanEval Python simple return statament is an easier variant of HumanEval Python in which the model is provided all of the canonical solution with the exception of the return statement and is expected to complete the return statement. Additionally, this set contains only the problems for which the canonical solution has a "simple" return statement consisting only of a line of the form `return VARIABLE\_NAME`. There are 37 samples. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 0 - Random baseline accuracy: 0% -42. HumanEval Python complex return statement code generation +58. HumanEval Python complex return statement code generation - Description: HumanEval Pythom complex return statament is an easier variant of HumanEval Python in which the model is provided all of the canonical solution with the exception of the return statement and is expected to complete the return statement. Additionally, this set contains only the problems for which the canonical solution does not have a "simple" return statement as defined above. There are 127 samples. - Year released: 2023 - Number of few shot examples: 0 diff --git a/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl b/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl index e3d4bc24c2..bd106a8cb1 100644 --- a/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl +++ b/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl @@ -1,269 +1,268 @@ -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main idea of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Some legal scholars defend a morally questionable view that defense lawyers' sole obligation to their clients is to provide the best defense, while it is the court's job to determine guilt or innocence.\nB.) In a democracy, all persons accused of crimes have a right to an attorney who will state the facts, construct sound arguments, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel.\nC.) Lawyers should be mindful of their duty to society as well as to their clients and base the decision as to whether, and how, to defend a client on the facts of the case.\nD.) Defense attorneys are obligated to defend clients who request their professional services, especially when the attorney is absolutely convinced of the client's innocence.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the author's attitude toward the twofold obligation introduced in lines 20—23?\nChoices:\nA.) confident that it enables defense lawyers to balance their competing responsibilities to the court and to society\nB.) pleased that it does not interfere with common defense strategies used by defense lawyers\nC.) satisfied that it helps defense lawyers to uncover the relevant facts of a case\nD.) convinced that it does not represent a conflict of interest for defense lawyers\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following sentences would most logically begin a paragraph immediately following the end of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) In keeping with this role, defense lawyers should base their cases upon the foundations of honesty, substantive accuracy and selectivity.\nB.) Consequently, the defendant's right to legal representation varies from case to case, depending on the severity of the alleged crime and the defense lawyer's personal interpretation of the case.\nC.) Thus, the lawyers' obligations are threefold— to be faithful to the dictates of the court, society, and themselves by proving their professional worth in securing acquittal for the clients whom they represent.\nD.) Therefore, the practice of law remains morally dubious, in that misrepresentation may achieve acquittal for an attorney's client.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: According to the passage, the legal scholars mentioned in lines 15—19 believe that it is a defense lawyer's role to be\nChoices:\nA.) an energetic advocate of the client's right to legal representation\nB.) a diligent representative of the client's position\nC.) a thorough investigator of all relevant evidence\nD.) a source of legal information that can help a jury to reach decisions that are fair and equitable\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: The relationship of the information contained in the two sentences at lines 28—31 to that in the sentence at lines 7—11 can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) a hypothetical situation supporting a statement reported by the author in the earlier lines\nB.) the author's opinion opposing another opinion reported by the author in the earlier lines\nC.) no significant relationship because they represent two unrelated factual statements\nD.) agreement in general with the earlier position but disagreement over the particulars\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author holds that a defense attorney who argues in court that a client is innocent\nChoices:\nA.) has favored the obligation to the client over that to society\nB.) has typically not researched the facts of the case thoroughly\nC.) should sincerely believe that the client may be innocent\nD.) is assuming that role of mouthpiece for the client\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) show that ethical dilemmas in the legal profession can complicate the defense lawyer's role\nB.) reveal how the practice of law strengthens the values and principles of democratic societies\nC.) argue that the defense lawyer's duty to the court and society complements effective legal representation for the client\nD.) discuss some of the issues that a defense lawyer must resolve prior to accepting a case\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim these proposals are not value neutral and are therefore unable to yield a genuine understanding of cultures with a different value system.\nB.) Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding disagree about the extent to which a culture's values are a product of its social and historical circumstances.\nC.) Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim that it is not enough to refrain from judging non-Western cultures if the methods used to study these cultures are themselves Western.\nD.) Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim that education should be founded upon an epistemological system that recognizes the importance of the subjective, the intuitive, and the mystical.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Critics who raise the objection discussed in the second paragraph would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The social and historical circumstances that give rise to a culture's values cannot be understood by members of a culture with different values.\nB.) It is impossible for one culture to successfully study another culture unless it does so from more than one cultural perspective.\nC.) The historical and social circumstances of a culture can play an important role in the development of that culture's values.\nD.) Genuine understanding of another culture is impossible unless that culture shares the same cultural values.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage as a whole?\nChoices:\nA.) Two means for achieving a goal are presented along with an objection to each.\nB.) Difficulties in achieving a goal are contrasted with the benefits of obtaining that goal.\nC.) The desirability of a goal is used to defend against a number of objections to its feasibility.\nD.) Difficulties in achieving a goal are used to defend several radical revisions to that goal.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: The version of multicultural education discussed in the first paragraph is described as \"modest\" (line 5) most likely because it\nChoices:\nA.) deviates least from a neutral stance with respect to differences in values\nB.) calls for the least amount of change in the educational system\nC.) relies on the least amount of speculation about non-Western cultures\nD.) is the least distorting since it employs several cultural perspectives\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, which one of the following would most likely be considered objectionable by proponents of the version of multicultural education discussed in the third paragraph?\nChoices:\nA.) a study of a given culture's literature to determine the kinds of personal characteristics the culture admires\nB.) a study that employs the methods of Western science to investigate a nonscientific culture\nC.) a study that uses the literary theories of one society to criticize the literature of a society that has different values\nD.) a study of the differences between the moral codes of several Western and non-Western societies\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would provide the strongest objection to the criticism in the passage of the second version of multicultural education?\nChoices:\nA.) Many non-Western societies have value systems that are very similar to one another.\nB.) It is impossible to adopt the perspectives and methods of a culture unless one is a member of that culture.\nC.) Genuine understanding of another culture is necessary for adequately appreciating that culture.\nD.) Students in Western societies cannot understand their culture's achievements unless such achievements are treated as the subject of Western scientific investigations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main conclusion of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The Native American life histories collected and recorded by non-Native American writers differ from European-style autobiographies in their depictions of an individual's relation to society.\nB.) Scholars have tended to overlook the nuances of concepts about identity that existed in some of the early Native American cultures.\nC.) As demonstrated by early Native Americans, autobiography can exist in a variety of media other than written documents.\nD.) Early Native Americans created autobiographies with forms and underlying assumptions that frequently differ from those of European-style autobiographies.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following phrases best conveys the author's attitude toward the earlier scholarship on Native American autobiographies that is mentioned in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) \"seemingly more fragmented\" (line 24)\nB.) \"alien to the European style\" (line 51)\nC.) \"failed to address\" (line 9)\nD.) \"highly diverse\" (line 10)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately conveys the meaning of the phrase \"bicultural composite authorship\" as it is used in line 5 of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) written by a member of one culture but based on oral communication by a member of another culture\nB.) compiled from the writings of people who come from different cultures and whose identities cannot be determined\nC.) written by two people, each of whom belongs to a different culture but contributes in the same way to the finished product\nD.) written originally by a member of one culture but edited and revised by a member of another culture\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the function of the third paragraph within the passage as a whole?\nChoices:\nA.) to contrast several different modes of expression\nB.) to refute traditional interpretations of certain artifacts\nC.) to provide examples that support an argument\nD.) to present evidence that undermines a theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main idea of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Defense lawyers should put aside personal judgments about their clients' guilt when determining how best to proceed when representing a client.\nB.) Lawyers should be mindful of their duty to society as well as to their clients and base the decision as to whether, and how, to defend a client on the facts of the case.\nC.) Some legal scholars defend a morally questionable view that defense lawyers' sole obligation to their clients is to provide the best defense, while it is the court's job to determine guilt or innocence.\nD.) In a democracy, all persons accused of crimes have a right to an attorney who will state the facts, construct sound arguments, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the author's attitude toward the twofold obligation introduced in lines 20—23?\nChoices:\nA.) convinced that it does not represent a conflict of interest for defense lawyers\nB.) confident that it enables defense lawyers to balance their competing responsibilities to the court and to society\nC.) satisfied that it helps defense lawyers to uncover the relevant facts of a case\nD.) pleased that it does not interfere with common defense strategies used by defense lawyers\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: Which one of the following sentences would most logically begin a paragraph immediately following the end of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Consequently, the defendant's right to legal representation varies from case to case, depending on the severity of the alleged crime and the defense lawyer's personal interpretation of the case.\nB.) Therefore, judges or other officials of the court should interrogate defense attorneys regarding any prior knowledge they may have of their clients' innocence or guilt.\nC.) In keeping with this role, defense lawyers should base their cases upon the foundations of honesty, substantive accuracy and selectivity.\nD.) Therefore, the practice of law remains morally dubious, in that misrepresentation may achieve acquittal for an attorney's client.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: According to the passage, the legal scholars mentioned in lines 15—19 believe that it is a defense lawyer's role to be\nChoices:\nA.) a thorough investigator of all relevant evidence\nB.) a source of legal information that can help a jury to reach decisions that are fair and equitable\nC.) a diligent representative of the client's position\nD.) an energetic advocate of the client's right to legal representation\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: The relationship of the information contained in the two sentences at lines 28—31 to that in the sentence at lines 7—11 can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) essentially equivalent assertions arising from different perspectives\nB.) the author's opinion opposing another opinion reported by the author in the earlier lines\nC.) agreement in general with the earlier position but disagreement over the particulars\nD.) no significant relationship because they represent two unrelated factual statements\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author holds that a defense attorney who argues in court that a client is innocent\nChoices:\nA.) should sincerely believe that the client may be innocent\nB.) is assuming that role of mouthpiece for the client\nC.) has typically not researched the facts of the case thoroughly\nD.) has favored the obligation to the client over that to society\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the \"best defense\" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) explain why the actual guilt or innocence of a defendant is not an important issue to many defense attorneys\nB.) reveal how the practice of law strengthens the values and principles of democratic societies\nC.) argue that the defense lawyer's duty to the court and society complements effective legal representation for the client\nD.) discuss some of the issues that a defense lawyer must resolve prior to accepting a case\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding disagree about the extent to which a culture's values are a product of its social and historical circumstances.\nB.) Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding disagree about both the goal of multicultural education and the means for achieving this goal.\nC.) Proponents of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim that education should be founded upon an epistemological system that recognizes the importance of the subjective, the intuitive, and the mystical.\nD.) Critics of two proposals for promoting multicultural understanding claim these proposals are not value neutral and are therefore unable to yield a genuine understanding of cultures with a different value system.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Critics who raise the objection discussed in the second paragraph would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The social and historical circumstances that give rise to a culture's values cannot be understood by members of a culture with different values.\nB.) The historical and social circumstances of a culture can play an important role in the development of that culture's values.\nC.) The values of liberalism cannot be adequately understood if we approach them solely through the methods of Western science.\nD.) It is impossible for one culture to successfully study another culture unless it does so from more than one cultural perspective.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage as a whole?\nChoices:\nA.) A goal is argued to be unrealizable by raising objections to the means proposed to achieve it.\nB.) Two means for achieving a goal are presented along with an objection to each.\nC.) Difficulties in achieving a goal are contrasted with the benefits of obtaining that goal.\nD.) The desirability of a goal is used to defend against a number of objections to its feasibility.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: The version of multicultural education discussed in the first paragraph is described as \"modest\" (line 5) most likely because it\nChoices:\nA.) calls for the least amount of change in the educational system\nB.) relies on the least amount of speculation about non-Western cultures\nC.) is the least distorting since it employs several cultural perspectives\nD.) deviates least from a neutral stance with respect to differences in values\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, which one of the following would most likely be considered objectionable by proponents of the version of multicultural education discussed in the third paragraph?\nChoices:\nA.) a study that uses the literary theories of one society to criticize the literature of a society that has different values\nB.) a study that employs the methods of Western science to investigate a nonscientific culture\nC.) a study of the differences between the moral codes of several Western and non-Western societies\nD.) a study of a given culture's literature to determine the kinds of personal characteristics the culture admires\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Many educators in Canada and the United States advocate multicultural education as a means of achieving multicultural understanding. There are, however, a variety of proposals as to what multicultural education should consist of. The most modest of these proposals holds that schools and colleges should promote multicultural understanding by teaching about other cultures, teaching which proceeds from within the context of the majority culture. Students should learn about other cultures, proponents claim, but examination of these cultures should operate with the methods, perspectives, and values of the majority culture. These values are typically those of liberalism: democracy, tolerance, and equality of persons. Critics of this first proposal have argued that genuine understanding of other cultures is impossible if the study of other cultures is refracted through the distorting lens of the majority culture's perspective. Not all cultures share liberal values. Their value systems have arisen in often radically different social and historical circumstances, and thus, these critics argue, cannot be understood and adequately appreciated if one insists on approaching them solely from within the majority culture's perspective. In response to this objection, a second version of multicultural education has developed that differs from the first in holding that multicultural education ought to adopt a neutral stance with respect to the value differences among cultures. The values of one culture should not be standards by which others are judged; each culture should be taken on its own terms. However, the methods of examination, study, and explanation of cultures in this second version of multicultural education are still identifiably Western. They are the methods of anthropology, social psychology, political science, and sociology. They are, that is, methods which derive from the Western scientific perspective and heritage. Critics of this second form of multicultural education argue as follows: The Western scientific heritage is founded upon an epistemological system that prizes the objective over the subjective, the logical over the intuitive, and the empirically verifiable over the mystical. The methods of social-scientific examination of cultures are thus already value laden; the choice to examine and understand other cultures by these methods involves a commitment to certain values such as objectivity. Thus, the second version of multicultural education is not essentially different from the first. Scientific discourse has a privileged place in Western cultures, but the discourses of myth, tradition, religion, and mystical insight are often the dominant forms of thought and language of non-Western cultures. To insist on trying to understand nonscientific cultures by the methods of Western science is not only distorting, but is also an expression of an attempt to maintain a Eurocentric cultural chauvinism: the chauvinism of science. According to this objection, it is only by adopting the (often nonscientific) perspectives and methods of the cultures studied that real understanding can be achieved.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would provide the strongest objection to the criticism in the passage of the second version of multicultural education?\nChoices:\nA.) Some non-Western societies use their own value system when studying cultures that have different values.\nB.) Genuine understanding of another culture is necessary for adequately appreciating that culture.\nC.) Many non-Western societies have value systems that are very similar to one another.\nD.) It is impossible to adopt the perspectives and methods of a culture unless one is a member of that culture.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main conclusion of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Early Native Americans created autobiographies with forms and underlying assumptions that frequently differ from those of European-style autobiographies.\nB.) Scholars have tended to overlook the nuances of concepts about identity that existed in some of the early Native American cultures.\nC.) As demonstrated by early Native Americans, autobiography can exist in a variety of media other than written documents.\nD.) The Native American life histories collected and recorded by non-Native American writers differ from European-style autobiographies in their depictions of an individual's relation to society.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following phrases best conveys the author's attitude toward the earlier scholarship on Native American autobiographies that is mentioned in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) \"failed to address\" (line 9)\nB.) \"markedly inclusive\" (line 16)\nC.) \"highly diverse\" (line 10)\nD.) \"alien to the European style\" (line 51)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately conveys the meaning of the phrase \"bicultural composite authorship\" as it is used in line 5 of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) written by a member of one culture but based on the artifacts and oral traditions of another culture\nB.) compiled from the writings of people who come from different cultures and whose identities cannot be determined\nC.) written by a member of one culture but based on oral communication by a member of another culture\nD.) written originally by a member of one culture but edited and revised by a member of another culture\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the function of the third paragraph within the passage as a whole?\nChoices:\nA.) to provide examples that support an argument\nB.) to enumerate specific instances in which a phenomenon recurred\nC.) to present evidence that undermines a theory\nD.) to refute traditional interpretations of certain artifacts\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} {"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: The author of the passage refers to \"self, life, and writing\" (lines 12—13) most probably in order to\nChoices:\nA.) define a word that had a different meaning for early Native Americans than it has for contemporary Native Americans\nB.) identify concepts about which Europeans and Native Americans had contrasting ideas\nC.) posit a fundamental similarity in the origins of a concept in both European and Native American cultures\nD.) illustrate how words can undergo a change in meaning after their introduction into the language\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following would be most consistent with the ideas about identity that the author attributes to pre-contact Native American cultures?\nChoices:\nA.) A pictograph that represents a specific person incorporates the symbol for a constellation.\nB.) A person who is born into one tribe but is brought up by members of another tribe retains a name given at birth.\nC.) A name given to one member of a community cannot be given to another member of the same community.\nD.) A decorated shield that belonged to an individual cannot be traced to a particular tribe.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the author's main point in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Although it has long been held that moderate wine consumption has healthful effects, scientific studies have yet to prove such effects definitively.\nB.) Researchers have found that alcohol from moderate wine consumption is absorbed into the bloodstream more slowly than is alcohol from other alcoholic beverages.\nC.) Because of their assumption that alcohol is the only active ingredient in wine, beer, and distilled spirits, scientists have previously studied these beverages in ways that obscure their healthful effects.\nD.) Wine, unlike other alcoholic beverages, appears to have a number of significant healthful effects that may be tied to certain natural compounds found in grapes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: In the first paragraph, the author most likely refers to the centuries-old belief that wine has healthful effects in order to\nChoices:\nA.) refute the argument that science should take cues from popular beliefs\nB.) suggest that a prevailing scientific assumption might be mistaken\nC.) provide evidence for the theory that moderate wine consumption ameliorates factors that contribute to premature heart disease\nD.) argue that traditional beliefs are no less important than scientific evidence when investigating health matters\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: According to the passage, each of the following might help to prevent premature heart disease EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) increased activity of a natural compound that reduces blood clotting\nB.) an increase in the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot\nC.) an increase in the body's ability to remove lipids from the bloodstream\nD.) an increase in the amount of time it takes alcohol to be absorbed into the bloodstream\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the passage's position concerning the apparently healthful effects of moderate wine consumption?\nChoices:\nA.) Subjects who drank grape juice exhibited greater platelet adhesiveness than did subjects who drank no grape juice.\nB.) Subjects who drank excessive amounts of wine suffered from premature heart disease at roughly the same rate as moderate wine drinkers.\nC.) Subjects who were habitual drinkers of wine and subjects who were habitual drinkers of beer exhibited similar lipid levels in their bloodstreams.\nD.) Subjects who consumed large amount of grape juice exhibited decreased thickness of the innermost walls of their blood vessels.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would most likely agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The conclusion that alcohol affects lipid processing should be questioned in light of studies of moderate wine consumption.\nB.) Beer and distilled spirits contain active ingredients other than alcohol whose effects tend to be beneficial.\nC.) Red wine consumption has a greater effect on reducing death rates from premature heart disease than does white wine consumption.\nD.) Moderate consumption of wine made from plums or apples rather than grapes would be unlikely to reduce the risk of premature heart disease.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the scientists discussed in the first paragraph can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) clearly outraged\nB.) highly enthusiastic\nC.) overtly critical\nD.) grudgingly accepting\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: In the passage, the author is primarily concerned with doing which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) correcting a scientific misconception\nB.) countering a revolutionary hypothesis\nC.) advocating a particular method of treatment\nD.) questioning the relevance of newly discovered evidence\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: The author suggests each of the following in the passage EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) Doctors have access to a natural compound that breaks down blood clots.\nB.) The body's ability to process lipids is compromised by the presence of alcohol in the bloodstream.\nC.) High lipid levels are dangerous because they lead to increased endothelial cell reactivity and platelet adhesiveness.\nD.) Moderate wine consumption appears to decrease the thickness of the interior walls of blood vessels.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Although commentary on Marshall has often focused only on a single ideological aspect of his accomplishments, a reinvestigation of his record as a judge reveals its influence on current divergent political objectives.\nB.) In his role as a lawyer for the NAACP, Marshall developed a number of strategies for litigation which, while often controversial, proved to be highly successful in arguing against certain discriminatory laws.\nC.) Contrary to the impression commonly given by commentary on Marshall, his contributions to the work of the NAACP have had more of a lasting impact than his achievements as a U.S. Supreme Court justice.\nD.) The litigation strategies that Marshall devised in pursuit of the NAACP's civil rights goals during the 1940s and 1950s constituted significant innovations that have since been adopted as standard tactics for public interest lawyers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes two main functions of the first sentence of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) It provides a new perspective on Marshall's achievements and corrects a historical inaccuracy.\nB.) It disputes a claim that has often been accepted and summarizes Marshall's achievements.\nC.) It identifies Marshall's better-known achievements and suggests that commentary has neglected certain other achievements.\nD.) It establishes the passage's main topic and indicates the controversial nature of Marshall's ideologies.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs of tactics used by an environmental-advocacy public interest law firm is most closely analogous to the strategies that Marshall utilized during his work with the NAACP?\nChoices:\nA.) acceptance of a pollution damage case based primarily on the potential plaintiff's needs; and careful orchestration of pretrial publicity designed to acquaint the public with the relevant issues\nB.) acceptance of a pollution case based on the practical urgency of its expected impact on the environment if a ruling in favor of the plaintiff is rendered; and assignment of the case to the most widely known members of the firm\nC.) a decision to pursue a pollution case based on its potential legal implications for a large class of related cases; and testimony by a noted medical authority whose data support the claim that the pollution in question causes widespread medical problems\nD.) preference for pursuing a series of cases that are to be tried in courts having a record of decisions that are favorable to environmental interests; and taking these cases to judges who strictly uphold constitutional principles\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author views the test case strategy developed by Marshall as\nChoices:\nA.) subjective\nB.) unprecedented\nC.) inflexible\nD.) necessary\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Marshall declined to pursue some cases that were in keeping with the NAACP's goals but whose plaintiffs' likely impression on the public he deemed to be unfavorable.\nB.) The ideological motivations for Marshall's work with the NAACP changed during his tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court.\nC.) Marshall's colleagues at the NAACP subsequently revised his methods and extended their applications to areas of law and politics beyond those for which they were designed.\nD.) Marshall's tactics were initially opposed by some other members of the NAACP who favored a more traditional approach.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Based on the passage, it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Lawyers representing private interests had previously used sociological evidence in court cases.\nB.) In light of a reconsideration of Marshall's career, it seems that commentary has undervalued both his innovations in litigation strategy and his accomplishments on the U.S. Supreme Court.\nC.) In response to Marshall's successes in NAACP litigations, the first public interest law firms were established, and they represented a radical change from previous types of U.S. law firms.\nD.) Marshall's techniques lend themselves to being used even for purposes that Marshall might not have intended.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: According to the passage, some legal scholars have criticized which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) the use of psychological statistics in court cases\nB.) the set of criteria for selecting public interest litigants\nC.) recent public interest campaigns\nD.) the use of Marshall's techniques by politically conservative lawyers\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements is not solely a parodic reaction to the high-mindedness of later abstract expressionism but also demonstrates an attempt to achieve realistic and nostalgic effects simultaneously in his paintings.\nB.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements appears to mark his paintings as parodic reactions to the whole of abstract expressionism when they are instead a rebellion against the high-mindedness of the later abstract expressionists.\nC.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements in his paintings, considered simply a parodic reaction to the high-mindedness of later abstract expressionism, is also an attempt to re-create the emotionally powerful work of earlier abstract expressionists.\nD.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements obscures the emotional complexity contained in his paintings, a situation that has prevented his work from being recognized as fine art in the expressionist tradition.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following best captures the author's attitude toward Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) respect for its successful parody of youth and innocence\nB.) enthusiasm for its more rebellious aspects\nC.) pleasure in its blatant rejection of abstract expressionism\nD.) appreciation for its ability to incorporate both realism and naivete\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: The author most likely lists some of the themes and objects influencing and appearing in Lichtenstein's paintings (lines 38—43) primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest the emotions that lie at the heart of Lichtenstein's work\nB.) contrast Lichtenstein's approach to art with that of abstract expressionism\nC.) endorse Lichtenstein's attitude toward consumer culture\nD.) show that the paintings depict aspects of contemporary life\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following would be an example of pop art that is most in keeping with the spirit of Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) a painting that employs vague shapes and images to make a statement about consumer culture\nB.) a painting that parodies human figures by depicting them as stick figures\nC.) a painting that depicts products as they appear in magazine advertisements to comment on society's values\nD.) a painting that uses realistic techniques to represent several simple objects arranged on a table\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most challenge the author's characterization of Lichtenstein?\nChoices:\nA.) Lichtenstein praised an early abstract expressionist for producing emotional paintings.\nB.) Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing emotional paintings.\nC.) Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing paintings void of emotion.\nD.) Lichtenstein praised a contemporary abstract expressionist in the 1960s for producing an atypically emotional painting.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to\nChoices:\nA.) contrast two opposing theories about an artist's work\nB.) describe the evolution of an artist's work\nC.) express curiosity about an artist's work\nD.) clarify the motivation behind an artist's work\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following does the author appear to believe about the rebellious aspect of Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) It was directed less against later abstract expressionism exclusively than against abstract expressionism in general.\nB.) It was directed less against later abstract expressionism than against commercial art.\nC.) It was directed less against abstract expressionism exclusively than against overly sophisticated art.\nD.) It was an objection to the simplicity of line and color used by pop artists.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following can most reasonably be inferred about abstract expressionism?\nChoices:\nA.) Over time, it moved from intensity to lyricism.\nB.) Over time, it moved from abstraction to realism.\nC.) Over time, it moved from intellectualism to emotionalism.\nD.) Over time, it moved from density to sparseness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: Which one of the following does the passage identify as being a result of a technological development?\nChoices:\nA.) widespread exchange of political ideas\nB.) increased access to databases\nC.) burgeoning scientific research\nD.) educational uses of broadcasting\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: As used in the passage, the word \"democratizing\" (line 9) most nearly means equalizing which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) participation in the regulation of society through either public or private institutions\nB.) generally acknowledged social status in a community\nC.) accumulation of financial assets in investments\nD.) distribution of tangible and intangible goods\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately represents the primary function of the reference to maximization of financial success (lines 52—54)?\nChoices:\nA.) It forms part of the author's concession that certain factors complicate the argument presented in the first two paragraphs.\nB.) It forms part of a speculative hypothesis that the author presents for its interest in relation to the main topic rather than as part of an argument.\nC.) It serves as part of a causal explanation that reinforces the thesis in the first paragraph regarding the benefits of technological development.\nD.) It serves as the author's logical conclusion from data presented in the preceding paragraph regarding the social consequences of technological development.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Greater geographical mobility of populations has contributed to the profits of entrepreneurs and investors in technology.\nB.) Often the desire of some people for profits motivates changes that are beneficial for large numbers of other people.\nC.) Typically, investment in technology is riskier than many other sorts of investment.\nD.) National boundaries are rarely barriers to the democratizing spread of technology.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: From the passage it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The invention of the telephone has had a greater democratizing influence on society than has the invention of the printing press.\nB.) Expanded access to printed texts across a population has historically led to an increase in literacy in that population.\nC.) Near equality of financial assets among people is a realistic goal for market economies.\nD.) The democratizing influence of technology generally contributes to technological obsolescence.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Which one of the following most completely and accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders.\nB.) Evidence shows that the workings of the brain are guided, not by electrical signals, but by chemicals, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders.\nC.) Evidence shows that the workings of the brain are guided, not by electrical signals, but by chemicals, and that enough similarities exist among these chemicals to allow scientists to classify them as a family.\nD.) Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that enough similarities exist among these chemicals to allow scientists to classify them as a family.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the discovery presented in the last paragraph is most accurately described as\nChoices:\nA.) optimism about its potential applications\nB.) certainty that its possible benefits will be realized\nC.) skepticism toward its assumptions about the brain\nD.) apprehension about the possibility of its misuse\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Each of the following statements is affirmed by the passage EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) The flow of ions through neurons plays a role in neuron communication.\nB.) The size of neurotransmitter binding sites on receptors plays a role in neuron communication.\nC.) The secretion of certain chemicals plays a role in neuron communication.\nD.) The binding of neurotransmitters to receptors plays a role in neuron communication.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: The author most likely uses the phrase \"defined categories of neurons\" in lines 55—56 in order to refer to neurons that\nChoices:\nA.) influence particular brain functions\nB.) react to binding by neurotransmitters\nC.) possess channels for ions\nD.) contain receptor molecules\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; presentation of evidence in opposition to the theory; argument in favor of rejecting the theory; discussion of the implications of rejecting the theory\nB.) explanation of a theory; description of how the theory came to win scientific acceptance; presentation of new information that challenges the theory; modification of the theory to accommodate the new information; discussion of an implication of the modification\nC.) explanation of a theory; description of an obstacle to the theory's general acceptance; presentation of an explanation that helps the theory overcome the obstacle; discussion of a further implication of the theory\nD.) explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; explanation of an alternative theory; presentation of information to support the alternative theory; discussion of an experiment that can help determine which theory is correct\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to\nChoices:\nA.) describe the approach scientists use when studying the workings of the brain\nB.) introduce evidence that challenges a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain\nC.) discuss new support for a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain\nD.) illustrate the practical utility of scientific research into the workings of the brain\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The principle of utility maximization provides an economic framework that allows legal scholars to analyze an individual's decision to commit a crime as a rational economic choice that maximizes that individual's expected utility.\nB.) The utility maximization principle can be used to quantify the effects both of methods of deterrence that revolve around individual factors and of those that emphasize the impact of societal norms on the decision to commit a deliberate crime.\nC.) Introduction of the utility maximization principle into the current crime deterrence debate indicates that both sides in the debate offer useful recommendations that can work together in deterring deliberate crime.\nD.) Legal scholars have found that deliberate criminal acts are motivated by neither external influences nor individual choices alone but that instead both of these factors are important in the decision to commit a crime.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The author mentions \"crimes of passion\" in line 3 primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) demonstrate that not all crimes can be deterred\nB.) mention a crime that is a product of the influence of societal norms\nC.) help illustrate one side of the current debate in the legal community\nD.) provide a contrast that helps to define a deliberate crime\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The explanation of the utility maximization principle in the passage suggests that which one of the following would be least appropriately described as a rational response to economic incentives and disincentives?\nChoices:\nA.) A government official in an impoverished country risks prosecution for soliciting bribes because rampant inflation has rendered her government salary inadequate to support her and her family.\nB.) In order to reduce his taxes, a waiter conceals a large part of his tip income from the government because he believes that it is very unlikely that this will be detected and he will be penalized.\nC.) A worker physically assaults his former supervisor in a crowded workplace because he has been dismissed from his job and he believes that the dismissal was unwarranted and unfair.\nD.) A motorist avoids speeding on a certain stretch of road because she knows that it is heavily patrolled and that a speeding ticket will lead to loss of her driver's license.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following scenarios is most similar to some legal scholars' use of the utility maximization principle regarding the crime deterrence debate?\nChoices:\nA.) a drawing instructor's use of a law of optics from physics to demonstrate that two lines that appear to diverge actually run parallel to each other\nB.) a mediator's use of a short quotation from a well-known novel in an attempt to set a tone of collegiality and good conduct at the start of a bargaining session\nC.) an astronomer's use of a paradox employed by certain ancient cosmologists as a metaphor to help describe a phenomenon recently observed with the aid of new technologies\nD.) a botanist's use of a quotation from a legendary Olympic athlete to make a point about the competitive nature of plants in a forest\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Two sides of a debate are described and an economic principle is applied to decide between them.\nB.) Two beliefs are described and a principle is introduced to discredit them.\nC.) A general principle is described and used to highlight the differences between two sides in a debate.\nD.) Two sides of a debate are described and a general principle is used to resolve the conflict between them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to increase if the access of individuals to economic institutions decreases.\nB.) The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended.\nC.) The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases.\nD.) The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) As is illustrated in the Spanish-language tradition, the use of proverbs can serve a wide range of purposes within a community.\nB.) The Mexican American tradition of Spanish-language proverb use differs in important ways from the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nC.) Many people in Mexican American communities use proverbs to teach young people about a wide range of social behaviors and norms.\nD.) Spanish-language proverbs figure prominently in Mexican American communities, where they are used both to instruct the young and to promote the young's familiarity with their heritage.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The author provides a translation of a proverb in lines 32—33 primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) provide an example of how some Spanish-language proverbs can be clearly translated into English\nB.) illustrate the effectiveness of proverbs as educational tools in Mexican American communities\nC.) illustrate the relation between proverb use and education about peer-group relationships in Mexican American communities\nD.) illustrate how a proverb can function as an appeal to traditional wisdom\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The passage provides information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Is the use of proverbs in teaching young people more common in Mexican American communities than in the English-language tradition?\nB.) In what other ethnic groups besides Mexican Americans do proverbs function to maintain ties to the traditions of those groups?\nC.) In what other areas besides Europe did Spanish-language proverbs currently used in Mexican American communities originate?\nD.) What kinds of messages and pieces of wisdom are most often communicated by proverbs in the English-language tradition?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests which one of the following about the use of proverbs?\nChoices:\nA.) Proverb use is seldom intended to reinforce community-approved norms.\nB.) The most frequent use of proverbs in Mexican American communities is for the purpose of regulating peer-group relationships.\nC.) The way in which a proverb is used depends, at least in part, on the community in which it is used.\nD.) When a proverb is used as an educational tool, it is usually intended to serve more than one purpose.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Proverb use in some communities may reflect parental concern that the young will not embrace traditional norms.\nB.) Most Mexican American proverbs have their origin in the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nC.) Most proverbs cannot be accurately translated from one language to another.\nD.) Mexican American parents are more likely to emphasize the value of traditional wisdom than are most other parents in the United States.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly implied by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The ways in which Mexican Americans use Spanish-language proverbs are typical of the ways in which Spanish speakers throughout the world use those proverbs.\nB.) If a proverb is used to inculcate table manners, then its primary purpose is to maintain ties to an ethnic tradition.\nC.) There are some sayings that do not require a verbal context to be understood but whose meaning for each particular use depends on the social context in which that use occurs.\nD.) The emphasis within Mexican American communities on teaching children about peer-group relationships distinguishes those communities from other communities within the United States.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Altruistic behavior is problematic for evolutionary psychology because it tends to diminish the reproductive success of individuals that exhibit it.\nB.) An evolutionary explanation of altruistic behavior may lie in the psychological states brought about in early humans by cues of kinship or familiarity.\nC.) New evidence may explain the evolution of altruistic behavior in early humans by showing that genes promote their own self-propagation.\nD.) Contrary to what critics of evolutionary psychology say, most significant types of human behavior are prompted by genetically selfish motivations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: The approaches toward evolutionary psychology exhibited by the two authors differ in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) The author of passage A is more interested in examining the logical implications of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is.\nB.) The author of passage A is more willing to consider nonevolutionary explanations for human behavior than the author of passage B is.\nC.) The author of passage A is more committed to the principles of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is.\nD.) The author of passage B is more skeptical of evolutionary theory in general than the author of passage A is.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: According to passage B, which one of the following is an example of a human characteristic for which evolutionary psychologists propose a questionable explanation?\nChoices:\nA.) misinterpreting the interests that motivate human actions\nB.) caring for some things for their own sakes\nC.) the slow maturation of human offspring\nD.) forming monogamous families\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: According to passage A, certain types of human behavior developed through evolutionary processes because they\nChoices:\nA.) prompted early humans to live in mutually dependent groups\nB.) prompted individuals to behave unselfishly\nC.) made individuals who exhibited the behaviors more adept at finding food\nD.) helped spread the genes responsible for those same behaviors\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: How does the purpose of passage B relate to the content of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) The author of passage B seeks to undermine the type of argument made in passage A by suggesting that it relies on questionable reasoning.\nB.) The author of passage B seeks to support the main claims made in passage A by presenting additional arguments in support of those claims.\nC.) The author of passage B argues that the type of evidence used in passage A is often derived from inaccurate observation.\nD.) The author of passage B maintains that the claims made in passage A are vacuous because no possible evidence could confirm or disconfirm them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a \"conspiracy theory\" (lines 35—36)?\nChoices:\nA.) Evolutionary psychologists seek to examine human behavior from the point of view of the theory of evolution.\nB.) Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology.\nC.) Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish.\nD.) Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would regard which one of the following as a mistaken assumption underlying arguments like that made in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Most of the physical features characteristic of modern humans developed as the result of evolutionary pressures.\nB.) To explain a type of human behavior in evolutionary terms, it is sufficient to show that the behavior would have improved the reproductive success of early humans.\nC.) Evolutionary psychology can be used to explain human behavior but not animal behavior, since animal behavior is driven largely by instinct.\nD.) Any action performed by an early human was necessarily orchestrated by that individual's genes to promote the genes' self-propagation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Dostoyevsky's indictment of the radical Russian critics rested solely on his objection to the radical critics' stipulation that literature be useful to society.\nB.) Dostoyevsky's position on literature differed sharply from that of the radical Russian critics with respect to the nature of reality, the importance of formal aspects in a literary work, and the utility of art.\nC.) In opposition to the views of the two most prominent groups of Russian literary critics, Dostoyevsky believed that literature should keep itself removed from reality.\nD.) In his critical writings, Dostoyevsky championed the freedom of the artist against the narrow constraints imposed by the radical Russian critics' concern with the depiction of reality.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following works most clearly exemplifies writing Dostoyevsky would have deemed \"artistic\" ?\nChoices:\nA.) an autobiographical essay in which the author chronicles the outstanding events in his life\nB.) a novel in which the author's ideas are given substance through suitable characters and events\nC.) a short story in which the characters debate how to solve various social problems\nD.) a novel in which the author attempted to use allegory to communicate a criticism of feudal society\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: According to the passage, Dostoyevsky disagreed with the radical critics' view of realism in literature because he believed\nChoices:\nA.) reality is not independent of the experiences of individuals\nB.) realism does not in fact facilitate the exposure of social inequities or contribute to the creation of a new society\nC.) reality is not the crucial source of successful literature\nD.) realism is unequal to the task of representing political views\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as \"useful\" mainly refers to its\nChoices:\nA.) facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world\nB.) capacity to advance a particular theory of literature\nC.) effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas\nD.) ability to help bring about social change\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the material presented in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the first two in detail.\nB.) Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be inferior to the second.\nC.) Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the second in detail.\nD.) Three positions are presented and each is elaborated in detail.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that Dostoyevsky would most likely have agreed with which one of the following statements about the view held by some Russian critics that art should stand high above the present and everyday?\nChoices:\nA.) It is correct because of its requirement that art have a strong element of the fantastic.\nB.) It is incorrect because reality must be the foundation of all literature.\nC.) It is correct because it recognizes that reality is more than just an enumeration of the mundane details of life.\nD.) It is incorrect because of its insistence that art further some societal end.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, Dostoyevsky would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about works of literature?\nChoices:\nA.) Only works of literature that are well written can serve a particular political view.\nB.) Works of literature that are not well written always attempt to serve a particular political view.\nC.) Only works of literature that serve a particular political view can be said to be well written.\nD.) A work of literature that is well written cannot serve any particular political view.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from \"bicultural composite authorship.\" Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.\nQ: Which one of the following would be most consistent with the ideas about identity that the author attributes to pre-contact Native American cultures?\nChoices:\nA.) A decorated shield that belonged to an individual cannot be traced to a particular tribe.\nB.) A pictograph that represents a specific person incorporates the symbol for a constellation.\nC.) A person who is born into one tribe but is brought up by members of another tribe retains a name given at birth.\nD.) A name given to one member of a community cannot be given to another member of the same community.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the author's main point in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A new study of moderate wine consumption calls into question the belief that premature heart disease is caused solely by the presence of high lipid levels in the bloodstream.\nB.) Wine, unlike other alcoholic beverages, appears to have a number of significant healthful effects that may be tied to certain natural compounds found in grapes.\nC.) Because of their assumption that alcohol is the only active ingredient in wine, beer, and distilled spirits, scientists have previously studied these beverages in ways that obscure their healthful effects.\nD.) Researchers have found that alcohol from moderate wine consumption is absorbed into the bloodstream more slowly than is alcohol from other alcoholic beverages.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: In the first paragraph, the author most likely refers to the centuries-old belief that wine has healthful effects in order to\nChoices:\nA.) argue that traditional beliefs are no less important than scientific evidence when investigating health matters\nB.) demonstrate that discoveries in the realm of science often bear out popular beliefs\nC.) provide evidence for the theory that moderate wine consumption ameliorates factors that contribute to premature heart disease\nD.) suggest that a prevailing scientific assumption might be mistaken\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: According to the passage, each of the following might help to prevent premature heart disease EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) an increase in the amount of time it takes alcohol to be absorbed into the bloodstream\nB.) increased activity of a natural compound that reduces blood clotting\nC.) an increase in the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot\nD.) increased levels of compounds that prevent damage from high lipid levels\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the passage's position concerning the apparently healthful effects of moderate wine consumption?\nChoices:\nA.) Subjects who were habitual drinkers of wine and subjects who were habitual drinkers of beer exhibited similar lipid levels in their bloodstreams.\nB.) Subjects who possess a natural clot-breaking compound were discovered to have a certain gene that is absent from subjects who do not possess the compound.\nC.) Subjects who consumed large amount of grape juice exhibited decreased thickness of the innermost walls of their blood vessels.\nD.) Subjects who drank excessive amounts of wine suffered from premature heart disease at roughly the same rate as moderate wine drinkers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would most likely agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Scientists should not attempt to study the possible healthful effects of moderate consumption of beer and distilled spirits.\nB.) Moderate consumption of wine made from plums or apples rather than grapes would be unlikely to reduce the risk of premature heart disease.\nC.) Red wine consumption has a greater effect on reducing death rates from premature heart disease than does white wine consumption.\nD.) Beer and distilled spirits contain active ingredients other than alcohol whose effects tend to be beneficial.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the scientists discussed in the first paragraph can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) highly enthusiastic\nB.) tacitly approving\nC.) overtly critical\nD.) grudgingly accepting\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: In the passage, the author is primarily concerned with doing which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) questioning the relevance of newly discovered evidence\nB.) correcting a scientific misconception\nC.) criticizing popular opinion\nD.) advocating a particular method of treatment\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.\nQ: The author suggests each of the following in the passage EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) High lipid levels are dangerous because they lead to increased endothelial cell reactivity and platelet adhesiveness.\nB.) The body's ability to process lipids is compromised by the presence of alcohol in the bloodstream.\nC.) Greater platelet adhesiveness increases the risk of premature heart disease.\nD.) Moderate wine consumption appears to decrease the thickness of the interior walls of blood vessels.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The litigation strategies that Marshall devised in pursuit of the NAACP's civil rights goals during the 1940s and 1950s constituted significant innovations that have since been adopted as standard tactics for public interest lawyers.\nB.) Although commentary on Marshall has often focused only on a single ideological aspect of his accomplishments, a reinvestigation of his record as a judge reveals its influence on current divergent political objectives.\nC.) In his work with the NAACP during the 1940s and 1950s, Marshall adopted a set of tactics that were previously considered a radical departure from accepted practice, but which he adapted in such a way that they eventually became accepted conventions in the field of law.\nD.) In his role as a lawyer for the NAACP, Marshall developed a number of strategies for litigation which, while often controversial, proved to be highly successful in arguing against certain discriminatory laws.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes two main functions of the first sentence of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) It establishes the passage's main topic and indicates the controversial nature of Marshall's ideologies.\nB.) It provides a new perspective on Marshall's achievements and corrects a historical inaccuracy.\nC.) It introduces two aspects of Marshall's career and outlines the historical significance of both.\nD.) It identifies Marshall's better-known achievements and suggests that commentary has neglected certain other achievements.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs of tactics used by an environmental-advocacy public interest law firm is most closely analogous to the strategies that Marshall utilized during his work with the NAACP?\nChoices:\nA.) a decision to pursue a pollution case based on its potential legal implications for a large class of related cases; and testimony by a noted medical authority whose data support the claim that the pollution in question causes widespread medical problems\nB.) thorough and painstaking research of precedents relating to a current pollution case; and consultations with lawyers for the defense regarding a pretrial settlement\nC.) acceptance of a pollution damage case based primarily on the potential plaintiff's needs; and careful orchestration of pretrial publicity designed to acquaint the public with the relevant issues\nD.) acceptance of a pollution case based on the practical urgency of its expected impact on the environment if a ruling in favor of the plaintiff is rendered; and assignment of the case to the most widely known members of the firm\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author views the test case strategy developed by Marshall as\nChoices:\nA.) necessary\nB.) arbitrary\nC.) unprecedented\nD.) subjective\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The ideological motivations for Marshall's work with the NAACP changed during his tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court.\nB.) Marshall relied more on expert testimony in lower courts, whose judges were more likely than higher court judges to give weight to statistical evidence.\nC.) Marshall declined to pursue some cases that were in keeping with the NAACP's goals but whose plaintiffs' likely impression on the public he deemed to be unfavorable.\nD.) Marshall's colleagues at the NAACP subsequently revised his methods and extended their applications to areas of law and politics beyond those for which they were designed.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: Based on the passage, it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Marshall's techniques lend themselves to being used even for purposes that Marshall might not have intended.\nB.) In light of a reconsideration of Marshall's career, it seems that commentary has undervalued both his innovations in litigation strategy and his accomplishments on the U.S. Supreme Court.\nC.) Lawyers representing private interests had previously used sociological evidence in court cases.\nD.) The most controversial of Marshall's methods was, somewhat paradoxically, the most unequivocally successful part of his overall campaign with the NAACP.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most of what has been written about Thurgood Marshall, a former United States Supreme Court justice who served from 1967 to 1991, has just focused on his judicial record and on the ideological content of his earlier achievements as a lawyer pursuing civil rights issues in the courts. But when Marshall's career is viewed from a technical perspective, his work with the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) reveals a strategic and methodological legacy to the field of public interest law. Though the NAACP, under Marshall's direction, was not the first legal organization in the U.S. to be driven by a political and social agenda, he and the NAACP developed innovations that forever changed the landscape of public interest law: during the 1940s and 1950s, in their campaign against state-sanctioned racial segregation, Marshall and the NAACP, instead of simply pursuing cases as the opportunity arose, set up a predetermined legal campaign that was meticulously crafted and carefully coordinated. One aspect of this campaign, the test case strategy, involved sponsoring litigation of tactically chosen cases at the trial court level with careful evaluation of the precedential nuances and potential impact of each decision. This allowed Marshall to try out different approaches and discover which was the best to be used. An essential element in the success of this tactic was the explicit recognition that in a public interest legal campaign, choosing the right plaintiff can mean the difference between success and failure. Marshall carefully selected cases with sympathetic litigants, whose public appeal, credibility, and commitment to the NAACP's goals were unsurpassed. In addition, Marshall used sociological and psychological statistics—presented in expert testimony, for example, about the psychological impact of enforced segregation—as a means of transforming constitutional law by persuading the courts that certain discriminatory laws produced public harms in violation of constitutional principles. This tactic, while often effective, has been criticized by some legal scholars as a pragmatic attempt to give judges nonlegal material with which to fill gaps in their justifications for decisions where the purely legal principles appear inconclusive. Since the time of Marshall's work with the NAACP, the number of public interest law firms in the U.S. has grown substantially, and they have widely adopted his combination of strategies for litigation, devoting them to various public purposes. These strategies have been used, for example, in consumer advocacy campaigns and, more recently, by politically conservative public interest lawyers seeking to achieve, through litigation, changes in the law that they have not been able to accomplish in the legislature. If we focus on the particular content of Marshall's goals and successes, it might seem surprising that his work has influenced the quest for such divergent political objectives, but the techniques that he honed— originally considered to be a radical departure from accepted conventions—have become the norm for U.S. public interest litigation today.\nQ: According to the passage, some legal scholars have criticized which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) the ideology Marshall used to support his goals\nB.) recent public interest campaigns\nC.) the set of criteria for selecting public interest litigants\nD.) the use of psychological statistics in court cases\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements is not solely a parodic reaction to the high-mindedness of later abstract expressionism but also demonstrates an attempt to achieve realistic and nostalgic effects simultaneously in his paintings.\nB.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements appears to mark his paintings as parodic reactions to the whole of abstract expressionism when they are instead a rebellion against the high-mindedness of the later abstract expressionists.\nC.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements in his paintings, though a response to the excessive sophistication of the art world, is itself highly sophisticated in that it manages to reconcile pop art and fine art.\nD.) Lichtenstein's use of comic book elements obscures the emotional complexity contained in his paintings, a situation that has prevented his work from being recognized as fine art in the expressionist tradition.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following best captures the author's attitude toward Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) admiration for its subtle critique of contemporary culture\nB.) enthusiasm for its more rebellious aspects\nC.) appreciation for its ability to incorporate both realism and naivete\nD.) respect for its successful parody of youth and innocence\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: The author most likely lists some of the themes and objects influencing and appearing in Lichtenstein's paintings (lines 38—43) primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) contrast Lichtenstein's approach to art with that of abstract expressionism\nB.) support the claim that Lichtenstein's work was parodic in intent\nC.) endorse Lichtenstein's attitude toward consumer culture\nD.) show that the paintings depict aspects of contemporary life\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following would be an example of pop art that is most in keeping with the spirit of Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) a painting that uses realistic techniques to represent several simple objects arranged on a table\nB.) a painting that parodies human figures by depicting them as stick figures\nC.) a painting that conveys its creator's inner turmoil through the use of bold lines and primary colors\nD.) a painting that depicts products as they appear in magazine advertisements to comment on society's values\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most challenge the author's characterization of Lichtenstein?\nChoices:\nA.) Lichtenstein praised a contemporary abstract expressionist in the 1960s for producing an atypically emotional painting.\nB.) Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing paintings void of emotion.\nC.) Lichtenstein praised an early abstract expressionist for producing emotional paintings.\nD.) Lichtenstein criticized a pop artist in the 1960s for producing emotional paintings.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to\nChoices:\nA.) contrast two opposing theories about an artist's work\nB.) clarify the motivation behind an artist's work\nC.) describe the evolution of an artist's work\nD.) refute a previous overestimation of an artist's work\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following does the author appear to believe about the rebellious aspect of Lichtenstein's work?\nChoices:\nA.) It was an objection to the consumerism of the culture.\nB.) It was an objection to the simplicity of line and color used by pop artists.\nC.) It was directed less against abstract expressionism exclusively than against overly sophisticated art.\nD.) It was directed less against later abstract expressionism exclusively than against abstract expressionism in general.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following can most reasonably be inferred about abstract expressionism?\nChoices:\nA.) Over time, it moved from intensity to lyricism.\nB.) Over time, it moved from abstraction to realism.\nC.) Over time, it moved from density to sparseness.\nD.) Over time, it moved from intellectualism to emotionalism.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: Which one of the following does the passage identify as being a result of a technological development?\nChoices:\nA.) educational uses of broadcasting\nB.) faster means of travel\nC.) increased access to databases\nD.) widespread exchange of political ideas\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: As used in the passage, the word \"democratizing\" (line 9) most nearly means equalizing which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) participation in the regulation of society through either public or private institutions\nB.) distribution of tangible and intangible goods\nC.) opportunity to create new technology\nD.) generally acknowledged social status in a community\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately represents the primary function of the reference to maximization of financial success (lines 52—54)?\nChoices:\nA.) It forms part of a speculative hypothesis that the author presents for its interest in relation to the main topic rather than as part of an argument.\nB.) It serves as part of a causal explanation that reinforces the thesis in the first paragraph regarding the benefits of technological development.\nC.) It forms part of the author's summary of the benefits that have resulted from the technological developments described in the preceding paragraph.\nD.) It serves as the author's logical conclusion from data presented in the preceding paragraph regarding the social consequences of technological development.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) National boundaries are rarely barriers to the democratizing spread of technology.\nB.) The profits derived from computer technology have accrued to fewer people than have the profits derived from any other technological development.\nC.) Greater geographical mobility of populations has contributed to the profits of entrepreneurs and investors in technology.\nD.) Often the desire of some people for profits motivates changes that are beneficial for large numbers of other people.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Because the market system enables entrepreneurs and investors who develop new technology to reap financial rewards from their risk of capital, it may seem that the primary result of this activity is that some people who have spare capital accumulate more. But in spite of the fact that the profits derived from various technological developments have accrued to relatively few people, the developments themselves have served overall as a remarkable democratizing force. In fact, under the regime of the market, the gap in benefits accruing to different groups of people has been narrowed in the long term. This tendency can be seen in various well-known technological developments. For example, before the printing press was introduced centuries ago, few people had access to written materials, much less to scribes and private secretaries to produce and transcribe documents. Since printed materials have become widely available, however, people without special position or resources—and in numbers once thought impossible—can take literacy and the use of printed texts for granted. With the distribution of books and periodicals in public libraries, this process has been extended to the point where people in general can have essentially equal access to a vast range of texts that would once have been available only to a very few. A more recent technological development extends this process beyond printed documents. A child in school with access to a personal computer and modem— which is becoming fairly common in technologically advanced societies—has computing power and database access equal to that of the best-connected scientists and engineers at top-level labs of just fifteen years ago, a time when relatively few people had personal access to any computing power. Or consider the uses of technology for leisure. In previous centuries only a few people with abundant resources had the ability and time to hire professional entertainment, and to have contact through travel and written communication—both of which were prohibitively expensive—with distant people. But now broadcast technology is widely available, and so almost anyone can have an entertainment cornucopia unimagined in earlier times. Similarly, the development of inexpensive mail distribution and telephone connections and, more recently, the establishment of the even more efficient medium of electronic mail have greatly extended the power of distant communication. This kind of gradual diffusion of benefits across society is not an accident of these particular technological developments, but rather the result of a general tendency of the market system. Entrepreneurs and investors often are unable to maximize financial success without expanding their market, and this involves structuring their prices to the consumers so as to make their technologies genuinely accessible to an ever-larger share of the population. In other words, because market competition drives prices down, it tends to diffuse access to new technology across society as a result.\nQ: From the passage it can be most reasonably inferred that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Near equality of financial assets among people is a realistic goal for market economies.\nB.) The democratizing influence of technology generally contributes to technological obsolescence.\nC.) Wholly unregulated economies are probably the fastest in producing an equalization of social status.\nD.) Expanded access to printed texts across a population has historically led to an increase in literacy in that population.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Which one of the following most completely and accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Evidence shows that receptor molecules in the brain differ subtly from one another, and that these differences can be exploited to treat certain brain disorders through the use of drugs that selectively affect particular parts of the brain.\nB.) Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders.\nC.) Evidence shows that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically, and that enough similarities exist among these chemicals to allow scientists to classify them as a family.\nD.) Evidence shows that the workings of the brain are guided, not by electrical signals, but by chemicals, and that subtle differences among the receptors for these chemicals may permit the selective treatment of certain brain disorders.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the discovery presented in the last paragraph is most accurately described as\nChoices:\nA.) apprehension about the possibility of its misuse\nB.) skepticism toward its assumptions about the brain\nC.) certainty that its possible benefits will be realized\nD.) optimism about its potential applications\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Each of the following statements is affirmed by the passage EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) The size of neurotransmitter binding sites on receptors plays a role in neuron communication.\nB.) The binding of neurotransmitters to receptors plays a role in neuron communication.\nC.) The secretion of certain chemicals plays a role in neuron communication.\nD.) The structure of receptors on neuron surfaces plays a role in neuron communication.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: The author most likely uses the phrase \"defined categories of neurons\" in lines 55—56 in order to refer to neurons that\nChoices:\nA.) influence particular brain functions\nB.) possess channels for ions\nC.) react to binding by neurotransmitters\nD.) contain receptor molecules\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) explanation of a theory; description of an obstacle to the theory's general acceptance; argument that the obstacle is insurmountable and that the theory should be rejected; discussion of the implications of rejecting the theory\nB.) explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; explanation of an alternative theory; presentation of information to support the alternative theory; discussion of an experiment that can help determine which theory is correct\nC.) explanation of a theory; description of an obstacle to the theory's general acceptance; presentation of an explanation that helps the theory overcome the obstacle; discussion of a further implication of the theory\nD.) explanation of a theory; presentation of evidence in support of the theory; presentation of evidence in opposition to the theory; argument in favor of rejecting the theory; discussion of the implications of rejecting the theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is most likely to\nChoices:\nA.) introduce evidence that challenges a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain\nB.) discuss new support for a widely accepted theory about the workings of the brain\nC.) propose a new theory about the workings of the brain\nD.) describe the approach scientists use when studying the workings of the brain\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The utility maximization principle can be used to quantify the effects both of methods of deterrence that revolve around individual factors and of those that emphasize the impact of societal norms on the decision to commit a deliberate crime.\nB.) Introduction of the utility maximization principle into the current crime deterrence debate indicates that both sides in the debate offer useful recommendations that can work together in deterring deliberate crime.\nC.) The principle of utility maximization provides an economic framework that allows legal scholars to analyze an individual's decision to commit a crime as a rational economic choice that maximizes that individual's expected utility.\nD.) The utility maximization principle demonstrates that deliberate criminal acts are the result of the rational economic choices of individuals and are not influenced by societal norms or the policies and practices of societal institutions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The author mentions \"crimes of passion\" in line 3 primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) demonstrate that not all crimes can be deterred\nB.) help illustrate one side of the current debate in the legal community\nC.) mention a crime that is a product of the influence of societal norms\nD.) provide a contrast that helps to define a deliberate crime\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The explanation of the utility maximization principle in the passage suggests that which one of the following would be least appropriately described as a rational response to economic incentives and disincentives?\nChoices:\nA.) A worker physically assaults his former supervisor in a crowded workplace because he has been dismissed from his job and he believes that the dismissal was unwarranted and unfair.\nB.) An industrialist continues to illegally discharge an untreated pollutant into a river because the cost of treatment far exceeds the fine for illegally discharging the pollutant.\nC.) A government official in an impoverished country risks prosecution for soliciting bribes because rampant inflation has rendered her government salary inadequate to support her and her family.\nD.) In order to reduce his taxes, a waiter conceals a large part of his tip income from the government because he believes that it is very unlikely that this will be detected and he will be penalized.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Based on the passage, which one of the following scenarios is most similar to some legal scholars' use of the utility maximization principle regarding the crime deterrence debate?\nChoices:\nA.) an astronomer's use of a paradox employed by certain ancient cosmologists as a metaphor to help describe a phenomenon recently observed with the aid of new technologies\nB.) a botanist's use of a quotation from a legendary Olympic athlete to make a point about the competitive nature of plants in a forest\nC.) a drawing instructor's use of a law of optics from physics to demonstrate that two lines that appear to diverge actually run parallel to each other\nD.) a judge's use of evidence from anthropology to support a decision in a controversial legal case\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Two beliefs are described and a principle is introduced to discredit them.\nB.) Two sides of a debate are described and a general principle is used to resolve the conflict between them.\nC.) A general principle is described and instantiated by two different ways of solving a problem.\nD.) A general principle is described and used to highlight the differences between two sides in a debate.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.\nQ: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases.\nB.) The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended.\nC.) The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement.\nD.) The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to fall if laws requiring stronger punishments for repeat offenders are adopted.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Spanish-language proverbs figure prominently in Mexican American communities, where they are used both to instruct the young and to promote the young's familiarity with their heritage.\nB.) Most proverbs that are commonly used in Mexican American communities have their origins in either peninsular Spain or the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nC.) The Mexican American tradition of Spanish-language proverb use differs in important ways from the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nD.) Many people in Mexican American communities use proverbs to teach young people about a wide range of social behaviors and norms.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The author provides a translation of a proverb in lines 32—33 primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) provide an example of how some Spanish-language proverbs can be clearly translated into English\nB.) illustrate the relation between proverb use and education about peer-group relationships in Mexican American communities\nC.) provide an example of the tone of a proverb that is frequently used in Mexican American communities\nD.) illustrate how a proverb can function as an appeal to traditional wisdom\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The passage provides information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) In what other areas besides Europe did Spanish-language proverbs currently used in Mexican American communities originate?\nB.) In what other ethnic groups besides Mexican Americans do proverbs function to maintain ties to the traditions of those groups?\nC.) Is the use of proverbs in teaching young people more common in Mexican American communities than in the English-language tradition?\nD.) What kinds of messages and pieces of wisdom are most often communicated by proverbs in the English-language tradition?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests which one of the following about the use of proverbs?\nChoices:\nA.) Proverbs are often used to help teach young people languages.\nB.) The most frequent use of proverbs in Mexican American communities is for the purpose of regulating peer-group relationships.\nC.) When a proverb is used as an educational tool, it is usually intended to serve more than one purpose.\nD.) The way in which a proverb is used depends, at least in part, on the community in which it is used.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Proverb use in some communities may reflect parental concern that the young will not embrace traditional norms.\nB.) Most Mexican American proverbs have their origin in the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nC.) There are more Spanish-language proverbs than there are proverbs in the common proverb tradition of Europe.\nD.) Most proverbs cannot be accurately translated from one language to another.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term \"proverb\" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, \"Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are.\" Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly implied by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) There are some sayings that do not require a verbal context to be understood but whose meaning for each particular use depends on the social context in which that use occurs.\nB.) The frequent use of proverbs within any community functions, at least in part, to convey a sense of their ethnicity to children within that community.\nC.) If a proverb is used to inculcate table manners, then its primary purpose is to maintain ties to an ethnic tradition.\nD.) The ways in which Mexican Americans use Spanish-language proverbs are typical of the ways in which Spanish speakers throughout the world use those proverbs.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Contrary to what critics of evolutionary psychology say, most significant types of human behavior are prompted by genetically selfish motivations.\nB.) Altruistic behavior originally served evolutionary purposes that it does not serve today because humans no longer live in small, kin-based groups.\nC.) An evolutionary explanation of altruistic behavior may lie in the psychological states brought about in early humans by cues of kinship or familiarity.\nD.) New evidence may explain the evolution of altruistic behavior in early humans by showing that genes promote their own self-propagation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: The approaches toward evolutionary psychology exhibited by the two authors differ in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) The author of passage B is more critical of the motives of evolutionary psychologists than the author of passage A is.\nB.) The author of passage A is more willing to consider nonevolutionary explanations for human behavior than the author of passage B is.\nC.) The author of passage B is more skeptical of evolutionary theory in general than the author of passage A is.\nD.) The author of passage A is more committed to the principles of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: According to passage B, which one of the following is an example of a human characteristic for which evolutionary psychologists propose a questionable explanation?\nChoices:\nA.) the slow maturation of human offspring\nB.) the early human tendency to live in small communities\nC.) caring for some things for their own sakes\nD.) forming monogamous families\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: According to passage A, certain types of human behavior developed through evolutionary processes because they\nChoices:\nA.) prompted early humans to live in mutually dependent groups\nB.) prompted individuals to behave unselfishly\nC.) improved the physical health of individuals who exhibited the behaviors\nD.) helped spread the genes responsible for those same behaviors\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: How does the purpose of passage B relate to the content of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) The author of passage B seeks to support the main claims made in passage A by presenting additional arguments in support of those claims.\nB.) The author of passage B maintains that the claims made in passage A are vacuous because no possible evidence could confirm or disconfirm them.\nC.) The author of passage B seeks to undermine the type of argument made in passage A by suggesting that it relies on questionable reasoning.\nD.) The author of passage B argues that the type of evidence used in passage A is often derived from inaccurate observation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a \"conspiracy theory\" (lines 35—36)?\nChoices:\nA.) Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology.\nB.) Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups.\nC.) An altruistic individual uses valuable resources to promote the well-being of another individual.\nD.) Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically \"selfish\" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would regard which one of the following as a mistaken assumption underlying arguments like that made in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Most early human behaviors that significantly hindered reproductive success were eliminated by evolutionary competition.\nB.) To explain a type of human behavior in evolutionary terms, it is sufficient to show that the behavior would have improved the reproductive success of early humans.\nC.) Most of the physical features characteristic of modern humans developed as the result of evolutionary pressures.\nD.) Evolutionary psychology can be used to explain human behavior but not animal behavior, since animal behavior is driven largely by instinct.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Dostoyevsky's indictment of the radical Russian critics rested solely on his objection to the radical critics' stipulation that literature be useful to society.\nB.) In opposition to the views of the two most prominent groups of Russian literary critics, Dostoyevsky believed that literature should keep itself removed from reality.\nC.) In his critical writings, Dostoyevsky championed the freedom of the artist against the narrow constraints imposed by the radical Russian critics' concern with the depiction of reality.\nD.) Dostoyevsky's position on literature differed sharply from that of the radical Russian critics with respect to the nature of reality, the importance of formal aspects in a literary work, and the utility of art.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following works most clearly exemplifies writing Dostoyevsky would have deemed \"artistic\" ?\nChoices:\nA.) a short story in which the characters debate how to solve various social problems\nB.) a fictionalized account based on interviews with patients that illustrates the brutal facts of illness\nC.) a novel in which the author's ideas are given substance through suitable characters and events\nD.) a novel in which the author attempted to use allegory to communicate a criticism of feudal society\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: According to the passage, Dostoyevsky disagreed with the radical critics' view of realism in literature because he believed\nChoices:\nA.) realism is unequal to the task of representing political views\nB.) art should be elevated above the portrayal of reality\nC.) reality is not the crucial source of successful literature\nD.) reality is not independent of the experiences of individuals\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as \"useful\" mainly refers to its\nChoices:\nA.) facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world\nB.) ability to help bring about social change\nC.) capacity to advance a particular theory of literature\nD.) effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the material presented in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be superior to the first two.\nB.) Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be inferior to the second.\nC.) Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the second in detail.\nD.) Three positions are presented and each is elaborated in detail.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that Dostoyevsky would most likely have agreed with which one of the following statements about the view held by some Russian critics that art should stand high above the present and everyday?\nChoices:\nA.) It is incorrect because it makes no distinction between reality and fantasy.\nB.) It is incorrect because of its insistence that art further some societal end.\nC.) It is incorrect because reality must be the foundation of all literature.\nD.) It is correct because it recognizes that reality is more than just an enumeration of the mundane details of life.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, Dostoyevsky would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about works of literature?\nChoices:\nA.) Only works of literature that serve a particular political view can be said to be well written.\nB.) A work of literature that serves a particular political view cannot be well written.\nC.) Only works of literature that are well written can serve a particular political view.\nD.) A work of literature that is well written cannot serve any particular political view.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted \"as it is\" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible \"reality\" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: \"The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it.\" The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art \"a shameful destiny.\" A literary work must stand or fall on its \"artistic merit,\" he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is \"artistic\" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: \"To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well.\" The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be \"useful\" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.\nQ: The passage suggests that Dostoyevsky's attitude toward the radical critics' view would be most softened if the radical critics were to\nChoices:\nA.) acknowledge the importance of eliminating elements of concrete reality from literary works\nB.) put clarity of purpose ahead of formal aspects when evaluating a literary work\nC.) recognize the full significance of artistic merit when evaluating literary works\nD.) explain more fully their demand that reality be depicted as it is\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: Which one of the following statements most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Digital publishing is likely to one day rival traditional publishing, but social and economic fiIctors are currently hindering its acceptaoce.\nB.) Digital publishing will transfonn the economics of the publishing business and in doing so will likely create competitive pressures to pay authors a greater percentage of publishers' net revenue.\nC.) The shift from traditional to digital publishing is typical of the shift from one economic model to a more efficient economic model.\nD.) Digital publishing will be convenient for readers and profitable for publishers but will also result in a great deal of movement by authors among different publishing houses.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: The author uses the phrase \"whole categories of expense\" (lines 30-31) primarily to refer to\nChoices:\nA.) the total sales ofa book minus the value of those books returned unsold to the bookseller\nB.) the price paid to have books printed and bound\nC.) the royalties paid to authors by their publisbers\nD.) the costs specific to the retail trade in traditional printed books\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred that the aulbor would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Digital publishing will allow publishers to substantially decrease the amount of money they allocate for advertising their books.\nB.) Those publishers that fail to embrace the new digital model ofpub1ishing will be uuiikely to remain economically competitive.\nC.) The growth of digital publishing is likely to revitalize the book retail business.\nD.) Any book will sell more copies ifit is published digitally thau if it is published traditionally.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: Each of the following is identified in the passage as something digital publishing will dispense with the need for EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) having books shipped to retail stores\nB.) warehousing printed books\nC.) displaying books in retail stores\nD.) having book covers designed\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: If the scenario descrthed in the first two paragraphs were to become true, then which one of the following would most likely be the case?\nChoices:\nA.) There will be significantly less demand by publishers for the services of copy editors and book designers.\nB.) The need for warehousing will shift mainly from that of individual books to that of paper and binding material to make books.\nC.) The patronage of stores that sell used books will increase significantly.\nD.) The demand for book-grade paper will decrease significantly.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred that the author would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The demauds of literary agents will be the impetus for completing the transition to the new digital model.\nB.) The development of innovative marketing strategies will ensure acceptance of the new digital model.\nC.) The ease of keeping books \"in print\" will be the primary factor in the eventual acceptance of the new digital model.\nD.) The changing literary tastes of consumers will be the main cause of the eventual transition to the new digital model.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: The primary purpose of the final sentence of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) recommend a wait-and-see approach on the part of traditional publishing houses\nB.) provide a broader context that helps to clarDY the situation facing traditional publishers\nC.) summarize the argument for the claim that digital publishing will likely replace traditional publishing\nD.) illustrate the primary obstacle facing traditional publishing houses that wish to incorporate digital publishing capabilities\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) Criminal defendants do not always have a full and fair opportunity to challenge faulty fingerprint evidence when it is used against them at trial.\nB.) There is a growing consensus within the legal community that fingerprint evidence is often unreliable.\nC.) There are anumberoffundarnentalproblerns in the field of fingerprint identification as it is currently practiced.\nD.) Fingerprint evidence has been shown to be too unreliable for use in eriminal trials.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: The authors would be most likely to disagree about\nChoices:\nA.) whether uniformity in the training of fingerprint examiners is desirable\nB.) whether fingerprint identification should be accorded the status of scientific law\nC.) the likelihood that a fingerprint examiner will incorrectly declare a match in a given eriminal case\nD.) the relative merits of the point-counting and holistic methods of fingerprint identification\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage A is\nChoices:\nA.) a defense attorney arguing an appeal of a client's criminal conviction\nB.) a judge presiding over an appeal of a criminal conviction\nC.) a professor of law lectuting to a ctiminallaw class\nD.) a prosecutor arguing for the affirmation of a guilty verdict\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Each passage discusses the relationship between the reliability of the practice of fingerprint identification and which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) differences in the identification practices used by various fingerprint examiners\nB.) the partial or smudged prints that are typically used as evidence in criminal cases\nC.) the ability of a criminal defendant to expose weaknesses in the prosecution's case\nD.) use of the holistic approach to fingerprint identification\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Which one of the following principles underlies the arguments in both passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Fingerprint examiners must follow objective standards iffingerprint identification is to be reliable.\nB.) To evaluate the value of fingerprint evidence, one must know how likely it is that partial prints from two different people would match.\nC.) Courts should be extremely reluctant to reject those forms of evidence that have withstood the test of time.\nD.) Defendants should have the right to challenge forms of evidence whose reliability has not been scientifically proven.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Both passages allude to a method of fingerprint identification in which examiners\nChoices:\nA.) use computerized databases to search for matching fingerprints\nB.) use computer technology to clariJY the images of smudged or partial fingerprints\nC.) rely on a holistic impression of how similar two fingerprints are\nD.) count the number of characteristics two fingerprints have in common\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Passage B differs from passage A in that passage B is more\nChoices:\nA.) general in focus\nB.) tentative in its claims\nC.) optimistic in its conclusions\nD.) respectful of opposing claims\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Morrison's striking description of a musical ensemble perfurmance containing solo improvisations constitutes an important artistic innovation and makes Jazz an important model for other writers.\nB.) In Jazz, Morrison has realized a significant artistic achievement in creating the first African American work of fiction whose plot, themes, and setting are all drawn from the world of jazz.\nC.) In Jazz, Morrison has succeeded in creating an original and effective narrative strategy that is a literary analogne of Duke Ellington's style of musical composition.\nD.) Building on the works of many African American writers and musical composers, Morrison has over the years developed an innovative jazzlike style of narration, which she used especially effectively in the novel Jazz.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's discussion in the first paragraph proceeds in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) from a common claim about the arts, to a denial of this claim as applied to a particular artistic tradition, to a hypothesis about a particular individual\nB.) from a general remark about two art forms, to a similar observation about a particular artistic tradition, to a specific comment about a particular work that exemplifies the prior remarks\nC.) from an observation about a specific art fonn, to a more general claim about the applicability of that observation to other art forms, to a particular counterexample to the first obsetvation\nD.) from a description ofa common claim about two art fonns, to some specific evidence that supports that claim, to an inference regarding a particular individual to whom that claim applies\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's assertion in lines 11-16 would be most called in 10 question if which one of the following were true?\nChoices:\nA.) Depending partly on whether or not it is read aloud, any novel can be found to be somewhat musical in nature.\nB.) A smaller number of African American writers than of non-African American writers in North America have written novels whose plots and characters have to do with music.\nC.) A small number of African American novelists writing earlier in the twentieth century sought to base the form of their work on the typical structme of blues music.\nD.) Even a casual reading of Jazz makes it evident that the author has intentionally tried to simulate a style of jazz performance in the narration of the story.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The information in the passage most supports which one of the following statements regarding Ellington?\nChoices:\nA.) He prevented his musicians from perfonuing lengthy solos in order to preserve the unity of his compositions.\nB.) He composed music that was originally intended to be performed by the specific musicians he condueted.\nC.) Morrison has explicitly credited him with inspiring the style of narration that she developed in Jazz.\nD.) Though he composed and condueted primarily jazz, he also composed some music of other genres.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's primary purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) detail the thematic concems in the work ofa particular writer and identifY the sources of those concerns\nB.) contrast a particular AfricanAmerican writer's work with the work of African American practitioners of another art\nC.) descrthe a particular aspect of one wOIk by a particular writer\nD.) analyze and commend the variety of contributions to the art of the novel made by a particular writer\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: Each of the following excerpts from the passage exhibits the author's attitude toward the novel Jazz EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) \"... Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope .....\" (lines 49-51)\nB.) \"...whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest con1nbutions to North American art\" (lines 8-10)\nC.) \"In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told\" (lines 17-19)\nD.) \"The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice .....\" (lines 19-21)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: It can be infirred from the passage that the author woul\nChoices:\nA.) The structural analogy between Jazz and Duke Ellington's compositional stYle involves more than simply the technique of shifting between first-person and third-person narrators.\nB.) Because ofits use of narrative techniques inspired by jazz, Mortison's novel represents the most successful representation to date of the milieu in which jazz musicians live and work.\nC.) Morrison disguises the important struetural connections between her narrative and Duke Ellington's jazz compositions by making the transitions between first- and third-person narrators appear easy.\nD.) In Jazz, Mortison has perfected a style of narration that had been attempted with little success by other North American writers in the twentieth century.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The passage contains information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) In what way is Jazz stylistically similar to uther literary works by Morrison?\nB.) After the publication of Jazz, did critics quickly acknowledge the innovative nature of the narrative style that Morrison uses in that novel?\nC.) What characteristic of Jazz is also present in the work of some other African American writers?\nD.) Do any African American visual artists also attempt to emulate African American music in their work?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: The author's primary aim in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) criticize a traditional view of scientific progress and advocate a replacement\nB.) judge the relative importance of theory and experimentation in science\nC.) take issue with the idea that scientists make slow,steady progress\nD.) illustrate the often erratic way in which a scientific community achieves progress\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: The most likely reason that the theoretical pbysicists in line 16 would have been pleased about Meitner's insight regarding the neutron bombardment experiments is that her insight\nChoices:\nA.) paved the way for work in theoretical physics to become more acceptable abroad\nB.) proved that the nuclei of atoms were generally unstable\nC.) was dependent upon the calculations that they had produced\nD.) confinued their earlier work indicating that atoms could be split\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: Which one of the following is most nearly equivalent to what the author means by \"the relevant evidence\" (line 62)?\nChoices:\nA.) the results of related experiments in neutron bombardment of uranium conducted by Meitner in 1938\nB.) the results of experiments in neutron bombardment of uranium conducted by the physics community between 1934 and 1939\nC.) the fact that radioactive products of neutron bombardment of uranium went unidentified for so long\nD.) the clear chemical evidence that Hahn had found of barium's being produced by neutron bombardment of uranium\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, which one of the following, if true, would have been most likely to reduce the amount oftime it took for physicists to realize that atoms were being split?\nChoices:\nA.) The physicists conducting the experiments in neutron bombardment of uranium were all using the same research techniques.\nB.) The physicists conducting the experiments in neutron bombardment ofuraniwn did not have partieular expectations regarding the likely nuclear composition of the by-products.\nC.) More physicists concentrated on oblBining experimental results from the neutron bombardment ofuraniwn.\nD.) The physicists conducting the experiments in neutron bombardment ofuraniwn had not been aware of the calculations indicating that in principle it was possible to split atoms.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following was true of the physics community during the 1930s?\nChoices:\nA.) It showed that uraniwn atoms were the easiest to split.\nB.) It reevaluated caleulations indicating that atoms could be split\nC.) It recogoized the daogers of working with radioactive substances.\nD.) It neglected earlier theoretical developments.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Corridos are noted for their vivid use of imagery and their attention to local events.\nB.) The corrido form, which depends on conventions such as ready-made lines, finds its ideal representation in \"Gregorio Cortez.\"\nC.) The corrido is a type of folk song that promotes cohesiveness in Border communities through the use of familiar conventions.\nD.) The roots of the corrido in the eighteenth-century Spanish ballad tradition are revealed in corridos' conventional themes and language.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following is characteristic of corridos?\nChoices:\nA.) use of complex rhyme schemes\nB.) use of a formal closing verse\nC.) use of numerous figures of speech\nD.) use of verses that combine Spanish and English\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Given its tone and content, from which one of the following was the passage most likely drawn?\nChoices:\nA.) an editorial in a contemporary newspaper from the Lower Rio Grande Border\nB.) a study focusing on the ballad's influence on the music of eighteenth-century Spain\nC.) a brochure for contemporary tourists to the Lower Rio Grande Border\nD.) a book describing various North American folk song forms\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as an example of the use of metaphor in corridos?\nChoices:\nA.) stampedes\nB.) mist\nC.) a cypress tree\nD.) a fight\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The author discusses metaphor in the second paragraph primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) emphasize the centrality of poetic language to corridos\nB.) point out the longevity of the corrido tradition\nC.) elaborate on a claim about the directness of the\nD.) language used in corridos counter the commonplace assertion that narrative is the main object of corridos\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez\" was rarely sung at Border social gatherings.\nB.) All complete corridos have some lines in common.\nC.) \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" was composed someone not from the Border region.\nD.) Most surviving corridos do not exist in complete form.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The reportorial capability of corridos was probably enhanced by their freedom from the constraints of rhymed ballad forms.\nB.) In at least some cases, the dependence of corridos on ready-made lines hindered the efforts of corrido makers to use metaphor effectively.\nC.) The corrido is unique among ballad forms because it uses language that is familiar mainly to local audiences.\nD.) A corrido without a surviving despedida would\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Long-term competition between plants and insects has led to a narrowing of the range of secondary substances present in plants and, thus, also to a narrowing of the range of insect species that eat each species of plant.\nB.) Because plant mutations have led to the development of secondary substances, plants have come to participate in a continuing process of competition with plant-eating insects.\nC.) The particular secondary substances possessed by different plants, and thus the distinctive tastes and smells that present-day plants have, result in large part from an evolutionary process of teraction between plants and insects.\nD.) Although the secondary substances in plants do not take part in the plants' basic biological processes, these substances operate as natural defenses against damage and destruction by insects.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as a way in which insects can adapt when a plant develops defenses against them?\nChoices:\nA.) to increase their rate of reproduction\nB.) to avoid plants with certain distinctive leaf or flower structures\nC.) to pollinate other species of plants\nD.) to start eating something else instead\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: In the passage, the author discusses primary substances mainly in order to\nChoices:\nA.) provide information about how plants grow and metabolize nutrients\nB.) help explain what secondary substances are\nC.) indicate the great diversity of chemicals that occur in various species of plants\nD.) help distinguish between two ways that insects have affected plant evolution\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Most insects that feed exclusively on certain botanically restricted groups of plants are able to identify these plants by means other than their characteristic taste or smell.\nB.) Some toxic substances that are produced by plants evolved in correlation with secondary substances but are not themselves secondary substances.\nC.) Some chemicals that are not known to be directly involved in the growth or metabolism of any species of plant play vital roles in the lives of various kinds of plants.\nD.) Most plants that have evolved chemical defense systems against certain insect species are nevertheless used as food by a wide variety of insects that have evolved ways of circumventing those defenses.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following describes a set of relationships that is most closely analogous to the relationships between plants and their primary and secondary substances?\nChoices:\nA.) Mechanical components such as engines and transmissions are necessary for automobiles to run; features such as paint and taillights give a car its distinctive look and serve functions such as preventing rust and improving safety, but automobiles can run without them.\nB.) Electrical power for the operation of devices such as lights and medical instruments is essential to the proper functioning of hospitals; generators are often used in hospitals to provide electricity in case their usual source of power is temporarily unavailable.\nC.) Some type of braking system is necessary for trains to be able to decelerate and stop; such systems comprise both friction components that directly contact the trains' wheels and pneumatic components that exert pressure on the friction components.\nD.) Mechanical components such as gears and rotors are required for the operation of clothing factories; electrical components such as wires and transformers supply the power needed to run the mechanical components, but they do not participate directly in the manufacturing process.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that which one of the following is true of secondary substances in plants?\nChoices:\nA.) Some species of plants produce only one such substance.\nB.) A few of them act as regulators of plants'\nC.) Some of them are the results of recent natural mutations in plants.\nD.) They typically contribute to a plant's taste or smell, but not both.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the relationship between plants and insects?\nChoices:\nA.) The diversity of secondary substances that develop in a plant population is proportional to the number of insects with which that plant population has interacted throughout its evolutionary history.\nB.) Throughout the process of evolutionary change, the number of plant species within each family has generally increased while the number of families of plants has decreased.\nC.) While many species of insects have evolved ways of circumventing plants' chemical defenses, none has done this through outright immunity to plants' secondary substances.\nD.) No particular secondary substance has appeared in plants in direct response to insects, though in many instances insects have influenced which particular secondary substances are present in a plant species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Mainstream economists have always assumed that returns to scale are generally increasing rather than decreasing.\nB.) Economists have, until somewhat recently, failed to account for the increasing returns to scale common in many industries.\nC.) The functioning of the Invisible Hand is accepted primarily because diminishing returns can be described with mathematical rigor.\nD.) Adam Smith was the first economist to understand how a market economy can enable individual self-interest to serve the common good.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The author's attitude towards the idea that the Pin Factory model should be part of the mainstream of economic thought could most accurately be described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) indifference\nB.) uncertainty\nC.) curiosity\nD.) receptivity\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The main purpose of the fourth paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) explain a difficulty associated with modeling a particular economic assumption\nB.) describe the tensions resulting from attempts to model two competing economic assumptions\nC.) refute an argument against a particular economic assumption\nD.) outline the intuitions supporting a particular economic assumption\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the Pin Factory model would continue to be an \"underground river\" (line 54) were it not for\nChoices:\nA.) the fact that economics has always been a discipline with scientific aspirations\nB.) David Warsh's analysis of the work of Adam Smith\nC.) a sudden increase in the tendency of some industries toward monopoly\nD.) economists' success in representing the Pin Factory model with mathematical rigor\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The reference to railroads (line 51) serves to\nChoices:\nA.) resolve an ambiguity inherent in the metaphor of the Invisible Hand\nB.) point to an industry that illustrates the shortcomings of economists' emphasis on the Invisible Hand\nC.) call attention to the increasing prevalence of industries that have characteristics of the Pin Factory\nD.) illustrate the difficulty of stating the concept of the Pin Factory with mathematical rigor\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following best illustrates the concept of increasing returns to scale described in the second paragraph of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The lobster industry as a whole is able to catch substantially more lobsters a day with the same number of traps because advances in technology make the doors to the traps easier for lobsters to get through.\nB.) A large ant colony divides and produces two competing colonies that each eventually grow large and prosperous enough to divide into more colonies. These colonies together contain more ants than could have existed in one colony.\nC.) A school district increases the total number of students that can be accommodated in a single building by switching to year-round operation, with a different quarter of its student body on vacation at any given time.\nD.) A large bee colony is able to use some bees solely to guard its nectar sources. This enables the colony to collect more nectar, which can feed a larger colony that can better divide up the work of processing the nectar.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The passage states which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The Pin Factory model's long-standing failure to gain prominence among economists was not a problem of ideology.\nB.) The only way that increasing returns to scale could occur is through increases in the specialization of workers.\nC.) Adam Smith did not recognize any tension between the Pin Factory model and the Invisible Hand model.\nD.) Economics fails in its quest to be scientific because its models lack mathematical rigor.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most undermine the connection that the author draws between increased size and monopoly power?\nChoices:\nA.) As the tasks workers focus on become narrower, the workers are not able to command as high a salary as when they were performing a greater variety of tasks.\nB.) In some industries, there are businesses that are able to exert monopoly power in one geographical region even though there are larger businesses in the same industry in other regions.\nC.) When an industry is dominated by only a few players, these businesses often collude in order to set prices as high as a true monopoly would.\nD.) If a business has very specialized workers, any gains in productivity achieved by making workers even more specialized are offset by other factors such as higher training costs and increased turnover.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Both passages explicitly mention which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) overinclusive laws\nB.) incentives\nC.) loopholes\nD.) language\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Which one of the following statements can be inferred from the material in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) Most of the residences with outstanding water bills are in the city's high-income neighborhoods.\nB.) In recent years,the city has rarely, if ever, turned off the water of customers who were late paying their water bills.\nC.) Most water customers in the city are late paying their water bills.\nD.) The only reasonable solution to the problem of overdue water bills in the city is to enact a law that classifies water bills as taxes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: The role of the word \"selectively\" in passage B (line 42) is most closely related to the role of which one of the following words in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) \"particularly\" (line 12)\nB.) \"probability\" (line 17)\nC.) \"discretionary\" (line 23)\nD.) \"alternative\" (line 22)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: The author of passage A would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements concerning the plan described in lines 41-47 in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) The plan is a reasonable response to the water department's history of enforcing overinclusive rules to the letter.\nB.) Officials should not implement the plan until just after the legislature's annual appropriations hearing.\nC.) A better plan would have been to place liens on the properties owned by those who are late paying their bills.\nD.) At least the plan would have a lower social cost than would turning off the water of all 231,000 households that have not paid on time.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Passage A suggests that an instance of \"capricious enforcement\" (line 32) most likely involves\nChoices:\nA.) not following the intent of the legislature in enforcing the law\nB.) not understanding the difference between the letter of the law and the intent of the law\nC.) enforcing the law according to the legislature's intent in passing the laws\nD.) enforcing the law only to the degree that municipal resources make possible\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Research into the cause of CJD has uncovered a deadly class of protein pathogens uniquely capable of reproducing themselves without genetic material.\nB.) Although most organisms are known to produce several kinds of proteins, the mechanism by which isolated protein molecules such as prions reproduce themselves is not yet known in detail.\nC.) Even though prions contain no genetic material, it has become clear that they are somehow capable of reproducing themselves.\nD.) The assertion that prions cause CJD has been received with great skepticism in the scientific community because it undermines a firmly entrenched view about the nature of pathogens.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) CJD is contagious, though not highly so.\nB.) The prevention of CJD would be most efficiently achieved by the prevention of certain genetic abnormalities.\nC.) The prion theory of infection has weak support within the scientific community.\nD.) Although patients with CJD exhibit different incubation times, the disease progresses at about the same rate in all patients once symptoms are manifested.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: If the hypothesis that CJD is caused by prions is correct, finding the answer to which one of the following questions would tend most to help a physician in deciding whether a patient has CJD?\nChoices:\nA.) Has any member of the patient's immediate family ever had a brain disease?\nB.) Does the patient experience occasional bouts of insomnia?\nC.) Does the patient's brain tissue exhibit the presence of any abnormal thread-like structures?\nD.) Has the patient been exposed to any forms of radiation that have a known tendency to cause certain kinds of genetic damage?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Most infectious diseases previously thought to be caused by other pathogens are now thought to be caused by prions.\nB.) Alzheimers disease and Parkinson's disease are caused by different conformations of the same prion pathogen that causes CJD.\nC.) The only way in which CJD can be transmitted is through the injection of abnormally shaped prions from an infected individual into an uninfected individual.\nD.) If they were unable to reproduce themselves, abnormally shaped prions would not cause CJD.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be LEAST likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The body has no natural defense against CJD.\nB.) The presence of certain abnormally shaped prions in brain tissue is a sign of neurological disease.\nC.) Scientists have only a partial understanding of the mechanism by which prions reproduce.\nD.) Some patients currently infected with CJD will recover from the disease.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Given the manner in which the term \"pathogen\" is used in the passage, and assuming that the prion theory of infection is correct, which one of the following statements must be false?\nChoices:\nA.) Nothing that lacks nucleic acid is a pathogen.\nB.) Prions are a relatively newly discovered type of pathogen.\nC.) There are other pathogens besides viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites.\nD.) Pathogens contribute in some manner to the occurrence of CJD.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most undermine the claim that prions cause CJD?\nChoices:\nA.) Several symptoms closely resembling those of CJD have been experienced by patients known to have a specific viral infection.\nB.) None of the therapies currently available for treating neurological diseases is designed to block the chain reaction by which abnormal prions are believed to reproduce.\nC.) A newly developed antibacterial drug currently undergoing clinical trials is proving to be effective in reversing the onset of CJD.\nD.) Epidemiological studies carried out on a large population have failed to show any hereditary predisposition to CJD.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Katherine Dunham's anthropological and choreographic expertise enabled her to make contributions that altered the landscape of modern dance in North America.\nB.) Katherine Dunham's expertise as an anthropologist allowed her to use Caribbean and African dance traditions to express the aesthetic and political concerns of African American dancers and choreographers.\nC.) Katherine Dunham's ballets were distinct from others produced in North America in that they incorporated authentic dance techniques from traditional cultures.\nD.) The innovative research methods of Katherine Dunham made possible her discovery that the dance traditions of the Caribbean were derived from earlier African dance traditions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: According to the passage, Dunham's work in anthropology differed from that of most other anthropologists in the 1930s in that Dunham\nChoices:\nA.) related the traditions she studied to those of her own culture\nB.) employed a participative approach in performing research\nC.) had prior familiarity with the cultural practices of the peoples she set out to study\nD.) performed fieldwork for a very extended time period\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: The passage suggests that the \"peers\" mentioned in line 22 would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the study of dance?\nChoices:\nA.) Social scientists need not be well versed in dance traditions in order to obtain reliable data about them.\nB.) Research into dance as a cultural form cannot be conducted with a high degree of scientific precision.\nC.) Most social scientists who have attempted to study dance as a cultural phenomenon have misinterpreted it.\nD.) Most experts in the field of dance are too preoccupied to conduct studies in the field of dance ethnology.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: In the last sentence of the second paragraph, the author mentions \"experts in dance\" primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) contribute to an explanation of why a particular field of research was not previously pursued\nB.) suggest that a certain group was more qualified to study a particular cultural form than was another group\nC.) indicate an additional possible reason for the tension between the members of two distinct fields of research\nD.) suggest why a group of social scientists did not embrace the study of a particular cultural form\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following was true of the dance forms that Dunham began studying in 1935?\nChoices:\nA.) They were more similar to dance forms used in Pacific-island cultures than to any other known dance forms.\nB.) They had already influenced certain popular dances in North America.\nC.) They were influenced by the traditions of non-Caribbean cultures.\nD.) They represented the first use of the technique of dance-isolation within a culture outside of Africa.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: Which one of the following is most analogous to Dunham's work in anthropology and choreography as that work is described in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) An Italian fashion designer researches the social significance of clothing design in several cultures and then presents his research in a highly acclaimed book directed toward his colleagues in fashion design.\nB.) A Canadian surgeon uses her skill in drawing to collaborate with a Vietnamese surgeon to develop a manual containing detailed illustrations of the proper techniques for certain types of reconstructive surgery performed in both countries.\nC.) A Brazilian teacher with training in social psychology conducts a detailed study of teaching procedures while working with teachers in several Asian countries, then introduces the most effective of those procedures to teachers in his own country.\nD.) A French archaeologist with training in musicology researches instruments used in seventeenth century France, and her findings become the basis for a Korean engineer's designs for devices to simulate the sounds those instruments most likely made.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: The passage suggests that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the colleagues mentioned in line 33?\nChoices:\nA.) They were incorrect in assuming that dance could be studied with the same degree of scientific rigor possible in other areas of ethnology.\nB.) They were incorrect in assuming that researchers in the social sciences are able to gather data in an entirely objective manner.\nC.) They were incorrect in advising Dunham to increase the degree of her detachment, since extensive personal investment in fieldwork generally enhances scientific rigor.\nD.) They were partly correct in advising Dunham to exercise initial caution in participating in the Caribbean dances, since her skill in performing them improved with experience.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" those most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Both passages are primarily concerned with explaining which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) the concept of \"required income\"\nB.) the human propensity to become habituated to wealth\nC.) the biological basis of people's attitudes toward wealth\nD.) the relationship between income and happiness\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: The author of passage B would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Gradual increases in employees' wages do not increase their job satisfaction.\nB.) The overall level of happiness in a society usually increases as the society becomes wealthier.\nC.) Being wealthier than other people would not make one happier if one believed that one's wealth was due merely to luck.\nD.) Very few people would be willing to accept a lower standard of living in return for greater relative wealth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: The author of passage B would be most likely to regard the conclusion that the Solnick and Hemenway study points to the existence of a \"phenomenon of rivalry\" (line 24) as\nChoices:\nA.) flattering in its implications about human nature but only weakly supported by the available evidence\nB.) plausible in its account of human nature but based largely upon ambiguous evidence\nC.) ungenerous in its view of human nature and mistaken in its interpretation of the evidence\nD.) accurate concerning human nature and strongly supported by the evidence\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs most accurately describes why the authors of passage A and passage B, respectively, mention the study by Solnick and Hemenway?\nChoices:\nA.) to introduce the main topic to be discussed to present a view that will be argued against\nB.) to present a view that will be argued against to present a view for which additional evidence will be provided\nC.) to provide evidence for one explanation of a phenomenon to introduce the main topic to be discussed\nD.) to present a view that will be argued against to provide evidence for one explanation of a phenomenon\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs of terms would most likely be used by the authors of passage A and passage B, respectively, to describe a person who wants to make more money than his or her neighbors?\nChoices:\nA.) misguided, admirable\nB.) insular, cosmopolitan\nC.) altruistic, egocentric\nD.) lucky, primitive\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: In arguing for their respective positions, the author of passage A and the author of passage B both do which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) assert that their positions are supported by data\nB.) explain a phenomenon by pointing to its biological origins\nC.) accept a claim for the sake of argument\nD.) attempt to resolve an apparent paradox\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) People who make judgments about the voluntary or involuntary character of a risk are usually unaware of the complicated motivations that lead people to take risks.\nB.) Public-policy decisions related to the protection of society against risk are difficult to make because of the difficulty of distinguishing risks incurred voluntarily from those incurred involuntarily.\nC.) Though laypeople may object, experts should be the ones to determine whether the risk incurred in a particular action is voluntary or involuntary.\nD.) Decisions about government intervention to protect people from risks should be based primarily on how many lives can be saved rather than on whether the risks are considered voluntary.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The passage indicates that which one of the following is usually a significant factor in laypeople's willingness to support public funding for specific risk-reduction measures?\nChoices:\nA.) an expectation about the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved\nB.) a belief as to whether the risk is incurred voluntarily or involuntarily\nC.) a judgment as to whether the risk puts a great number of lives at stake\nD.) a consideration of the total resources available for risk reduction\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following do laypeople generally consider to involve risk that is not freely assumed?\nChoices:\nA.) serving as a firefighter\nB.) traveling in outer space\nC.) traveling in airplanes\nD.) participating in skydiving\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Both the probability of occurrence and the probability of resulting death or injury are higher for plane crashes than for any other kind of risk incurred by airline passengers.\nB.) The fact that plane crash victims chose to fly would usually be deemed by policy experts to be largely irrelevant to decisions about the government's role in regulating air safety.\nC.) The main category of risk that is usually incurred completely involuntarily is the risk of natural disaster.\nD.) For public-policy purposes, a risk should be deemed voluntarily incurred if people are not subject to that risk unless they make a particular choice.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The author's use of the phrase \"no special magic\" (line 43) is most likely meant primarily to convey that notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary\"\nChoices:\nA.) have no meaning beyond their literal, dictionary definitions\nB.) do not exhaustively characterize the risks that people commonly face\nC.) have been used to intentionally conceal the factors motivating government efforts to protect people from risks\nD.) provide a flawed mechanism for making public policy decisions relating to risk reduction\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The passage most strongly supports the inference that the author believes which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Some environmental risks are voluntary to a greater degree than others are.\nB.) Whenever an activity involves the risk of loss of human life, the government should intervene to reduce the degree of risk incurred.\nC.) Policy experts are more likely than laypeople to form an accurate judgment about the voluntariness or involuntariness of an activity.\nD.) Government policies intended to reduce risk are not justified unless they comport with most people's beliefs.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the author's attitude in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) concern that policy guided mainly by laypeople's emphasis on the voluntariness of risk would lead to excessive government regulation\nB.) chagrin at the rampant misunderstanding of the relative risks associated with various activities\nC.) skepticism about the reliability of laypeople's intuitions as a general guide to deciding government risk-management policy\nD.) conviction that the sole criterion that can justify government intervention to reduce risk is the saving of human lives\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The corporate nature of the perfume business is the reason that so few truly great perfumes are now produced.\nB.) A masterpiece perfume evokes reactions that are no less powerful than those evoked by a masterpiece in music or painting.\nC.) Great perfumes are works of art and deserve respect and attention as such.\nD.) Despite their pursuit of profit, corporations that produce and market perfumes value artistic skill.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: In which one of the following circumstances would the author of the passage be most likely to believe that a perfume manufacturer is justified in altering the formula of a classic perfume?\nChoices:\nA.) The alteration makes the perfume more closely resemble Joy Parfum.\nB.) The alteration is done to make the perfume popular with a wider variety of customers.\nC.) The alteration is done to replace an ingredient that is currently very costly.\nD.) The alteration takes a previously altered perfume closer to its creator's original formula.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The word \"noses\" (line 29) refers to\nChoices:\nA.) people with expertise in marketing perfumes\nB.) people with expertise in pricing perfumes\nC.) perfumers\nD.) particular perfumes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements about art?\nChoices:\nA.) The best works of art improve with age.\nB.) Some forms of art are superior to others.\nC.) A work of art will inevitably fail if it is created for the sake of commercial success.\nD.) A work of art can bring about an aesthetic experience through the memories that it evokes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: Which one of the following statements most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Digital publishing is likely to one day rival traditional publishing, but social and economic fiIctors are currently hindering its acceptaoce.\nB.) The shift from traditional to digital publishing is typical of the shift from one economic model to a more efficient economic model.\nC.) Digital publishing will be convenient for readers and profitable for publishers but will also result in a great deal of movement by authors among different publishing houses.\nD.) Digital publishing will transfonn the economics of the publishing business and in doing so will likely create competitive pressures to pay authors a greater percentage of publishers' net revenue.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: The author uses the phrase \"whole categories of expense\" (lines 30-31) primarily to refer to\nChoices:\nA.) the fees collected by literal agents from their clients\nB.) the royalties paid to authors by their publisbers\nC.) the costs specific to the retail trade in traditional printed books\nD.) the price paid to have books printed and bound\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred that the aulbor would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Digital publishing will allow publishers to substantially decrease the amount of money they allocate for advertising their books.\nB.) Any book will sell more copies ifit is published digitally thau if it is published traditionally.\nC.) Those publishers that fail to embrace the new digital model ofpub1ishing will be uuiikely to remain economically competitive.\nD.) The growth of digital publishing is likely to revitalize the book retail business.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: Each of the following is identified in the passage as something digital publishing will dispense with the need for EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) having unsold books returned to publishers\nB.) having books shipped to retail stores\nC.) displaying books in retail stores\nD.) having book covers designed\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: If the scenario descrthed in the first two paragraphs were to become true, then which one of the following would most likely be the case?\nChoices:\nA.) The patronage of stores that sell used books will increase significantly.\nB.) The demand for book-grade paper will decrease significantly.\nC.) The need for warehousing will shift mainly from that of individual books to that of paper and binding material to make books.\nD.) There will be significantly less demand by publishers for the services of copy editors and book designers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred that the author would agree wilb which one oflbe following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The demauds of literary agents will be the impetus for completing the transition to the new digital model.\nB.) The development of innovative marketing strategies will ensure acceptance of the new digital model.\nC.) The ease of keeping books \"in print\" will be the primary factor in the eventual acceptance of the new digital model.\nD.) Widespread familiarily with new ways of storing information will be the primary reason for the acceptance of the new digital model.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated \"out of print.\" Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.\nQ: The primary purpose of the final sentence of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) provide a broader context that helps to clarDY the situation facing traditional publishers\nB.) illustrate the primary obstacle facing traditional publishing houses that wish to incorporate digital publishing capabilities\nC.) suggest that traditional publishing houses have been too slow to embrace digital publishing\nD.) summarize the argument for the claim that digital publishing will likely replace traditional publishing\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) There are anumberoffundarnentalproblerns in the field of fingerprint identification as it is currently practiced.\nB.) The error rate for fingerprint identification is significantly higher than is generally acknowledged.\nC.) Criminal defendants do not always have a full and fair opportunity to challenge faulty fingerprint evidence when it is used against them at trial.\nD.) There is a growing consensus within the legal community that fingerprint evidence is often unreliable.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: The authors would be most likely to disagree about\nChoices:\nA.) the likelihood that a fingerprint examiner will incorrectly declare a match in a given eriminal case\nB.) the relative merits of the point-counting and holistic methods of fingerprint identification\nC.) whether uniformity in the training of fingerprint examiners is desirable\nD.) whether different agencies vary in the degree of correlation they require for examiners to declare a match\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage A is\nChoices:\nA.) an academic presenting a paper to a group of legal scholars\nB.) a judge presiding over an appeal of a criminal conviction\nC.) a professor of law lectuting to a ctiminallaw class\nD.) a prosecutor arguing for the affirmation of a guilty verdict\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Each passage discusses the relationship between the reliability of the practice of fingerprint identification and which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) differences in the identification practices used by various fingerprint examiners\nB.) use of the holistic approach to fingerprint identification\nC.) the ability of a criminal defendant to expose weaknesses in the prosecution's case\nD.) the personal integrity of individual fingerprint examiners\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Which one of the following principles underlies the arguments in both passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Fingerprint examiners must follow objective standards iffingerprint identification is to be reliable.\nB.) Courts should be extremely reluctant to reject those forms of evidence that have withstood the test of time.\nC.) Defendants should have the right to challenge forms of evidence whose reliability has not been scientifically proven.\nD.) Fingerprint identification should not be considered to have a low error rate Wlless rigorously conducted tests have shown this to be so.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Both passages allude to a method of fingerprint identification in which examiners\nChoices:\nA.) count the number of characteristics two fingerprints have in common\nB.) rely on a holistic impression of how similar two fingerprints are\nC.) use computerized databases to search for matching fingerprints\nD.) calculate the odds of two different individuals' sharing certain very rare fingerprint characteristics\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of \"points of identification\" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent \"points and characteristics\" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints \"match.\" There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a \"point-counting\" method that entails counting the number of similar \"ridge\" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.\nQ: Passage B differs from passage A in that passage B is more\nChoices:\nA.) general in focus\nB.) tentative in its claims\nC.) dependent on unsubstantiated assumptions\nD.) optimistic in its conclusions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) In Jazz, Morrison has realized a significant artistic achievement in creating the first African American work of fiction whose plot, themes, and setting are all drawn from the world of jazz.\nB.) In Jazz, Morrison has succeeded in creating an original and effective narrative strategy that is a literary analogne of Duke Ellington's style of musical composition.\nC.) Building on the works of many African American writers and musical composers, Morrison has over the years developed an innovative jazzlike style of narration, which she used especially effectively in the novel Jazz.\nD.) Although many African American writers have used music as a central metaphor in their works, Morrison's 1992 novel is unique and innovative for using jazz as its central metaphor.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's discussion in the first paragraph proceeds in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) from a general remark about two art forms, to a similar observation about a particular artistic tradition, to a specific comment about a particular work that exemplifies the prior remarks\nB.) from an observation about a specific art fonn, to a more general claim about the applicability of that observation to other art forms, to a particular counterexample to the first obsetvation\nC.) from a common claim about the arts, to a denial of this claim as applied to a particular artistic tradition, to a hypothesis about a particular individual\nD.) from general comments about the arts, to a purported counterexample to the general comments as applied to a particular artistic tradition, to a description of a particular work that bears out the original comments\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's assertion in lines 11-16 would be most called in 10 question if which one of the following were true?\nChoices:\nA.) All novels about nonliterary arts and artists appear as if their authors have tried to make their narrative styles reminiscent of the arts in question.\nB.) A small number of African American novelists writing earlier in the twentieth century sought to base the form of their work on the typical structme of blues music.\nC.) Even a casual reading of Jazz makes it evident that the author has intentionally tried to simulate a style of jazz performance in the narration of the story.\nD.) Depending partly on whether or not it is read aloud, any novel can be found to be somewhat musical in nature.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The information in the passage most supports which one of the following statements regarding Ellington?\nChoices:\nA.) Morrison has explicitly credited him with inspiring the style of narration that she developed in Jazz.\nB.) He composed music that was originally intended to be performed by the specific musicians he condueted.\nC.) He prevented his musicians from perfonuing lengthy solos in order to preserve the unity of his compositions.\nD.) Though he composed and condueted primarily jazz, he also composed some music of other genres.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The author's primary purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) demonstrate the ways in which two apparently dissimilar arts are, on a deeper analysis, actually quite similar\nB.) descrthe a particular aspect of one wOIk by a particular writer\nC.) contrast a particular AfricanAmerican writer's work with the work of African American practitioners of another art\nD.) detail the thematic concems in the work ofa particular writer and identifY the sources of those concerns\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: Each of the following excerpts from the passage exhibits the author's attitude toward the novel Jazz EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) \"...whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest con1nbutions to North American art\" (lines 8-10)\nB.) \"... Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope .....\" (lines 49-51)\nC.) \"In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told\" (lines 17-19)\nD.) \"By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity ...\" (lines 52-54)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: It can be infirred from the passage that the author woul\nChoices:\nA.) Because ofits use of narrative techniques inspired by jazz, Mortison's novel represents the most successful representation to date of the milieu in which jazz musicians live and work.\nB.) In Jazz, Mortison develops her narrative in such a way that the voices of individual characters are sometimes difficult to distinguish, in much the same way that individual musicians' voices merge in ensemble jazz playing.\nC.) Morrison disguises the important struetural connections between her narrative and Duke Ellington's jazz compositions by making the transitions between first- and third-person narrators appear easy.\nD.) The structural analogy between Jazz and Duke Ellington's compositional stYle involves more than simply the technique of shifting between first-person and third-person narrators.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as \"literature\" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique \"voices\" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.\nQ: The passage contains information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) In what way is Jazz stylistically similar to uther literary works by Morrison?\nB.) What characteristic of Jazz is also present in the work of some other African American writers?\nC.) After the publication of Jazz, did critics quickly acknowledge the innovative nature of the narrative style that Morrison uses in that novel?\nD.) How many works by African American writers have been inspired by the music of Duke Ellington?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: The author's primary aim in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) illustrate the often erratic way in which a scientific community achieves progress\nB.) take issue with the idea that scientists make slow,steady progress\nC.) criticize a traditional view of scientific progress and advocate a replacement\nD.) display the way in which intellectual arrogance sometimes hinders scientific progress\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: The most likely reason that the theoretical pbysicists in line 16 would have been pleased about Meitner's insight regarding the neutron bombardment experiments is that her insight\nChoices:\nA.) paved the way for work in theoretical physics to become more acceptable abroad\nB.) confinued their earlier work indicating that atoms could be split\nC.) was dependent upon the calculations that they had produced\nD.) proved that the nuclei of atoms were generally unstable\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: Which one of the following is most nearly equivalent to what the author means by \"the relevant evidence\" (line 62)?\nChoices:\nA.) the results of experiments in neutron bombardment of uranium conducted by the physics community between 1934 and 1939\nB.) the clear chemical evidence that Hahn had found of barium's being produced by neutron bombardment of uranium\nC.) the fact that the sum of the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium was the same as the number of these particles in a uranium nucleus\nD.) the results of related experiments in neutron bombardment of uranium conducted by Meitner in 1938\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: Given the information in the passage, which one of the following, if true, would have been most likely to reduce the amount oftime it took for physicists to realize that atoms were being split?\nChoices:\nA.) The physicists conducting the experiments in neutron bombardment ofuraniwn had not been aware of the calculations indicating that in principle it was possible to split atoms.\nB.) Physicists conducted experiments in the neutron bombardment of some substance other than uranium.\nC.) The physicists conducting the experiments in neutron bombardment ofuraniwn did not have partieular expectations regarding the likely nuclear composition of the by-products.\nD.) More physicists concentrated on oblBining experimental results from the neutron bombardment ofuraniwn.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Advances in scientific understanding often do not build directly or smoothly in response to the data that are amassed, and in retrospect, after a major revision of theory, it may seem strange that a crucial bypothesis was long overlooked. A case in point is the discovery of a means by which the nuclei of atoms can be split Between 1934, when a group ofitalian physicists including Enrico Fermi first bombarded uranium with neutrons, and 1939, when exiled Austrian physicist Lise Meitner provided the crucial theoretical connection, scientists compiled increasing evidence that nuclear fission had been achieved, without, however, recognizing what they were witnessing.Earlier, even before the neutron and proton composition of atomic nuclei had been experimentally demonstrated, sometheoretical physicists had produced calculations indicating that in principle it should be possible to break atoms apart. But the neutron-bombardment experiments were not aimed at achieving such a result, and researchers were not even receptive to the possibility that it might happen in that context. A common view was that a neutron's breaking apart a uranium nucleus would be analogous to a pebble, thrown through a window, causing a house to collapse.In Berlin, Meitner pursued research related to that of the Italians, discovering a puzzling group of radioactive substances produced by neutron bombardment of uranium. Fermi and others achieved numerous similar results. These products remained unidentified partly because precise chemical analyses were hampered by the minute quantities of the substances produced and the dangers of working with highly radioactive materials, but more significantly because of the expectation that they would all be elements close to uranium in nuclear composition. In 1938 Meitner escaped from Nazi Germany and undertook related research in Sweden, but her research partner Otto Hahn kept her informed of his continuing experimentation. Late in that year he wrote to her of a surprising result: one of the substances resulting from the neutron bombardment of uranium had been conclusively identified as barium, an element whose structure would have made it impossible to produce through any mechanism he envisaged as being involved in the experiments. Hahn even remarked that, despite the clear chemical evidence of what had occmred, it went \"against all previous experiences of nuclear physics,\" but be also noted that together the number of protons and neutrons in the nuclei of barium and technetium, the accompanying product of the experiment, added up to the number of such particles that compose a uranium nucleus.It was Meitner who finally recognized the significance of the data in relation to underlying theoretical considerations: the researchers had actually been splitting uranium atoms. Coining the term \"nuclear fission,\" she quickly submitted her conclusion for publication in a paper coauthored with pbysicist Otto Frisch. When scientists in Europe and North America rushed to corroborate the findings, it became clear that the relevant evidence had been present for some rime, lacking mainly the right conceptual link.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following was true of the physics community during the 1930s?\nChoices:\nA.) It never identified the by-products ofneutron bombardment ofuraniwn.\nB.) It reevaluated caleulations indicating that atoms could be split\nC.) It recogoized the daogers of working with radioactive substances.\nD.) It showed that uraniwn atoms were the easiest to split.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The roots of the corrido in the eighteenth-century Spanish ballad tradition are revealed in corridos' conventional themes and language.\nB.) The corrido is a type of folk song that promotes cohesiveness in Border communities through the use of familiar conventions.\nC.) Corrido imagery is one of the clearest indicators of the unique cohesiveness of Border communities.\nD.) Corridos are noted for their vivid use of imagery and their attention to local events.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following is characteristic of corridos?\nChoices:\nA.) use of a formal closing verse\nB.) use of complex rhyme schemes\nC.) use of numerous figures of speech\nD.) use of verses that combine Spanish and English\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Given its tone and content, from which one of the following was the passage most likely drawn?\nChoices:\nA.) a book describing various North American folk song forms\nB.) a study focusing on the ballad's influence on the music of eighteenth-century Spain\nC.) an editorial in a contemporary newspaper from the Lower Rio Grande Border\nD.) a brochure for contemporary tourists to the Lower Rio Grande Border\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as an example of the use of metaphor in corridos?\nChoices:\nA.) stampedes\nB.) a fight\nC.) mist\nD.) a cypress tree\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The author discusses metaphor in the second paragraph primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) elaborate on a claim about the directness of the\nB.) language used in corridos counter the commonplace assertion that narrative is the main object of corridos\nC.) identify an element common to all variants of a particular corrido\nD.) point out the longevity of the corrido tradition\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Most corrido variants have the same despedida.\nB.) Most surviving corridos do not exist in complete form.\nC.) \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" was composed someone not from the Border region.\nD.) All complete corridos have some lines in common.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, \"El Corrido de Kiansis\" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular \"El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez,\" for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: \"I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me.\" Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including \"Kiansis,\" which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of \"Gregorio Cortez\" is translated as follows: \"Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez.\" The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that the author would agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Much of the imagery used in corridos can also be identified in ballads from Spain.\nB.) A corrido without a surviving despedida would\nC.) In at least some cases, the dependence of corridos on ready-made lines hindered the efforts of corrido makers to use metaphor effectively.\nD.) The reportorial capability of corridos was probably enhanced by their freedom from the constraints of rhymed ballad forms.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Due to long-term evolutionary pressures exerted by insects, the secondary substances in plants have become numerous and diverse but tend to be similar among closely related species.\nB.) The particular secondary substances possessed by different plants, and thus the distinctive tastes and smells that present-day plants have, result in large part from an evolutionary process of teraction between plants and insects.\nC.) Because plant mutations have led to the development of secondary substances, plants have come to participate in a continuing process of competition with plant-eating insects.\nD.) Long-term competition between plants and insects has led to a narrowing of the range of secondary substances present in plants and, thus, also to a narrowing of the range of insect species that eat each species of plant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as a way in which insects can adapt when a plant develops defenses against them?\nChoices:\nA.) to avoid contact with the dangerous parts of the plant\nB.) to pollinate other species of plants\nC.) to avoid plants with certain distinctive leaf or flower structures\nD.) to start eating something else instead\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: In the passage, the author discusses primary substances mainly in order to\nChoices:\nA.) indicate the great diversity of chemicals that occur in various species of plants\nB.) provide evidence of plants' adaptation to insects\nC.) provide information about how plants grow and metabolize nutrients\nD.) help explain what secondary substances are\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Some toxic substances that are produced by plants evolved in correlation with secondary substances but are not themselves secondary substances.\nB.) Most plants that have evolved chemical defense systems against certain insect species are nevertheless used as food by a wide variety of insects that have evolved ways of circumventing those defenses.\nC.) Some chemicals that are not known to be directly involved in the growth or metabolism of any species of plant play vital roles in the lives of various kinds of plants.\nD.) Many secondary substances that are toxic to insects are thought by scientists to have evolved independently in various unrelated species of plants but to have survived in only a few species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Which one of the following describes a set of relationships that is most closely analogous to the relationships between plants and their primary and secondary substances?\nChoices:\nA.) Specially designed word processing programs are necessary for computers to be able to function as word processors; such programs can be stored either in the computers' internal memory system or on external disks that are inserted temporarily into the computers.\nB.) Mechanical components such as engines and transmissions are necessary for automobiles to run; features such as paint and taillights give a car its distinctive look and serve functions such as preventing rust and improving safety, but automobiles can run without them.\nC.) Mechanical components such as gears and rotors are required for the operation of clothing factories; electrical components such as wires and transformers supply the power needed to run the mechanical components, but they do not participate directly in the manufacturing process.\nD.) Some type of braking system is necessary for trains to be able to decelerate and stop; such systems comprise both friction components that directly contact the trains' wheels and pneumatic components that exert pressure on the friction components.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that which one of the following is true of secondary substances in plants?\nChoices:\nA.) Some species of plants produce only one such substance.\nB.) They typically contribute to a plant's taste or smell, but not both.\nC.) Some of them are the results of recent natural mutations in plants.\nD.) Some of them undergo chemical reactions with substances produced by insects, thus altering the plants' chemical composition.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The characteristic smell or taste of a plant, to insects as well as to humans, depends on its chemical composition. Broadly speaking, plants contain two categories of chemical substances: primary and secondary. The primary substances, such as proteins, carbohydrates, vitamins, and hormones, are required for growth and proper functioning and are found in all plants. The secondary substances are a diverse and multitudinous array of chemicals that have no known role in the internal chemical processes of plants' growth or metabolism. Only a few of these substances occur in any one species of plant, but the same or similar ones tend to occur in related plants such as the various species that constitute a single family. It is these secondary substances that give plants their distinctive tastes and smells. Insects appear to have played a major role in many plants' having the secondary substances they have today. Such substances undoubtedly first appeared, and new ones continue to appear, as the result of genetic mutations in individual plants. But if a mutation is to survive and be passed on to subsequent generations, it must pass the muster of natural selection—that is, it must increase the likelihood of the organism's surviving and reproducing. Some secondary substances are favored by natural selection because they are scents that attract pollinating insects to blossoms. Such scents signal the presence of nectar, which nourishes the insects without damage to the plants. Other secondary substances that arose by mutation were conserved by natural selection because they proved to be biochemical defenses against the enemies of plants, the majority of which are insects. Some of these defensive substances cause insects to suffer unpleasant symptoms or even to die. Still other secondary substances are not in themselves harmful to insects, but are characteristic smells or tastes that dissuade the insect from feeding by warning it of the presence of some other substance that is harmful. For hundreds of millions of years there has been an evolutionary competition for advantage between plants and plant-eating insects. If insects are to survive as the plants they eat develop defenses against them, they must switch to other foods or evolve ways to circumvent the plants' defenses. They may evolve a way to detoxify a harmful substance, to store it in their bodies out of harm's way, or to avoid its effects in some other manner. Insects quickly come to prefer the plants whose defenses they can circumvent, and they eventually evolve the ability to identify them by their characteristic flavors or odors, or both. As the competition has progressed, fewer and fewer plants have remained as suitable food sources for any one species of insect; species of insects have thus tended to become associated with narrowly defined and often botanically restricted groups of plants.\nQ: Based on the passage, the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the relationship between plants and insects?\nChoices:\nA.) While many species of insects have evolved ways of circumventing plants' chemical defenses, none has done this through outright immunity to plants' secondary substances.\nB.) Throughout the process of evolutionary change, the number of plant species within each family has generally increased while the number of families of plants has decreased.\nC.) No particular secondary substance has appeared in plants in direct response to insects, though in many instances insects have influenced which particular secondary substances are present in a plant species.\nD.) The diversity of secondary substances that develop in a plant population is proportional to the number of insects with which that plant population has interacted throughout its evolutionary history.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Economists have, until somewhat recently, failed to account for the increasing returns to scale common in many industries.\nB.) The functioning of the Invisible Hand is accepted primarily because diminishing returns can be described with mathematical rigor.\nC.) Adam Smith was the first economist to understand how a market economy can enable individual self-interest to serve the common good.\nD.) Mainstream economists have always assumed that returns to scale are generally increasing rather than decreasing.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The author's attitude towards the idea that the Pin Factory model should be part of the mainstream of economic thought could most accurately be described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) receptivity\nB.) indifference\nC.) uncertainty\nD.) hostility\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The main purpose of the fourth paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) describe the tensions resulting from attempts to model two competing economic assumptions\nB.) explain a difficulty associated with modeling a particular economic assumption\nC.) critique a theory purporting to resolve the tensions between two economic assumptions\nD.) refute an argument against a particular economic assumption\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the Pin Factory model would continue to be an \"underground river\" (line 54) were it not for\nChoices:\nA.) a lowering of the standards used by economists to assess economic models\nB.) the fact that economics has always been a discipline with scientific aspirations\nC.) David Warsh's analysis of the work of Adam Smith\nD.) economists' success in representing the Pin Factory model with mathematical rigor\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The reference to railroads (line 51) serves to\nChoices:\nA.) illustrate the difficulty of stating the concept of the Pin Factory with mathematical rigor\nB.) point to an industry that illustrates the shortcomings of economists' emphasis on the Invisible Hand\nC.) present an example of the high levels of competition achieved in transportation industries\nD.) resolve an ambiguity inherent in the metaphor of the Invisible Hand\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following best illustrates the concept of increasing returns to scale described in the second paragraph of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A publishing house is able to greatly improve the productivity of its editors by relaxing the standards to which those editors must adhere. This allows the publishing house to employ many fewer editors.\nB.) A school district increases the total number of students that can be accommodated in a single building by switching to year-round operation, with a different quarter of its student body on vacation at any given time.\nC.) The lobster industry as a whole is able to catch substantially more lobsters a day with the same number of traps because advances in technology make the doors to the traps easier for lobsters to get through.\nD.) A large bee colony is able to use some bees solely to guard its nectar sources. This enables the colony to collect more nectar, which can feed a larger colony that can better divide up the work of processing the nectar.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: The passage states which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The Pin Factory model's long-standing failure to gain prominence among economists was not a problem of ideology.\nB.) Economics fails in its quest to be scientific because its models lack mathematical rigor.\nC.) The only way that increasing returns to scale could occur is through increases in the specialization of workers.\nD.) Adam Smith did not recognize any tension between the Pin Factory model and the Invisible Hand model.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: David Warsh's book describes a great contradiction inherent in economic theory since 1776, when Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations. Warsh calls it the struggle between the Pin Factory and the Invisible Hand. Using the example of a pin factory, Smith emphasized the huge increases in efficiency that could be achieved through increased size. The pin factory's employees, by specializing on narrow tasks, produce far more than they could if each worked independently. Also, Smith was the first to recognize how a market economy can harness self-interest to the common good, leading each individual as though \"by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.\" For example, businesses sell products that people want, at reasonable prices, not because the business owners inherently want to please people but because doing so enables them to make money in a competitive marketplace. These two concepts, however, are opposed to each other. The parable of the pin factory says that there are increasing returns to scale—the bigger the pin factory, the more specialized its workers can be, and therefore the more pins the factory can produce per worker. But increasing returns create a natural tendency toward monopoly, because a large business can achieve larger scale and hence lower costs than a small business. So given increasing returns, bigger firms tend to drive smaller firms out of business, until each industry is dominated by just a few players. But for the invisible hand to work properly, there must be many competitors in each industry, so that nobody can exert monopoly power. Therefore, the idea that free markets always get it right depends on the assumption that returns to scale are diminishing, not increasing. For almost two centuries, the assumption of diminishing returns dominated economic theory, with the Pin Factory de-emphasized. Why? As Warsh explains, it wasn't about ideology; it was about following the line of least mathematical resistance. Economics has always had scientific aspirations; economists have always sought the rigor and clarity that comes from representing their ideas using numbers and equations. And the economics of diminishing returns lend themselves readily to elegant formalism, while those of increasing returns-the Pin Factory- are notoriously hard to represent mathematically. Many economists tried repeatedly to bring the Pin Factory into the mainstream of economic thought to reflect the fact that increasing returns obviously characterized many enterprises, such as railroads. Yet they repeatedly failed because they could not state their ideas rigorously enough. Only since the late 1970s has this \"underground river\" -a term used to describe the role of increasing returns in economic thought-surfaced into the mainstream of economic thought. By then, economists had finally found ways to describe the Pin Factory with the rigor needed to make it respectable.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most undermine the connection that the author draws between increased size and monopoly power?\nChoices:\nA.) In some industries, there are businesses that are able to exert monopoly power in one geographical region even though there are larger businesses in the same industry in other regions.\nB.) The size that a business must reach in order to begin to achieve increasing returns to scale varies widely from industry to industry.\nC.) If a business has very specialized workers, any gains in productivity achieved by making workers even more specialized are offset by other factors such as higher training costs and increased turnover.\nD.) As the tasks workers focus on become narrower, the workers are not able to command as high a salary as when they were performing a greater variety of tasks.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Both passages explicitly mention which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) language\nB.) legal technicalities\nC.) overinclusive laws\nD.) loopholes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Which one of the following statements can be inferred from the material in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) Most of the residences with outstanding water bills are in the city's high-income neighborhoods.\nB.) Most water customers in the city are late paying their water bills.\nC.) In recent years,the city has rarely, if ever, turned off the water of customers who were late paying their water bills.\nD.) The only reasonable solution to the problem of overdue water bills in the city is to enact a law that classifies water bills as taxes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: The role of the word \"selectively\" in passage B (line 42) is most closely related to the role of which one of the following words in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) \"discretionary\" (line 23)\nB.) \"particularly\" (line 12)\nC.) \"probability\" (line 17)\nD.) \"alternative\" (line 22)\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: The author of passage A would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements concerning the plan described in lines 41-47 in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) A better plan would have been to place liens on the properties owned by those who are late paying their bills.\nB.) Officials should not implement the plan until just after the legislature's annual appropriations hearing.\nC.) The plan is a reasonable response to the water department's history of enforcing overinclusive rules to the letter.\nD.) At least the plan would have a lower social cost than would turning off the water of all 231,000 households that have not paid on time.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Law enforcement agencies can effectively nullify particular laws, or particular applications of law, simply by declining to prosecute violators. This power appears to be exercised frequently and I attempt here to explain why. Rules of law are almost always overinclusive: read literally, they forbid some conduct that the legislature that formulated the rule did not want to forbid. The costs of precisely tailoring a rule to the conduct intended to be forbidden would be prohibitive given the limitations of human foresight and the inherent ambiguities of language. The more particularly the legislature tries to describe the forbidden conduct, the more loopholes it will create. Enforcing an overinclusive rule to the letter could impose very heavy social costs. The effect would be like punishing an innocent person in order to reduce the probability of acquitting a guilty one. Of course, the danger of punishing the innocent is not a decisive blow against the use of a particular method of law enforcement; the danger must be traded off against the costs of alternative methods that would reduce it. But there is a technique-discretionary nonenforcement-by which the costs of overinclusion can be reduced without a corresponding increase in underinclusion (loopholes). Of course, allowing discretionary nonenforcement does not determine the principle by which the law enforcement agency will select its cases. Conceivably the agency could concentrate its resources on those areas of conduct that had been brought inadvertently within the scope of the rule. But this seems unlikely. Capricious enforcement is not unknown (or even rare) but it does not appear to be the central tendency since legislative oversight assures that the agency does not stray too far from the intended, as distinct from the enacted, regulation being enforced. Passage B The newspaper reported that 231,000 water customers in the city are late paying their bills-some by months, others by decades. In all, these water delinquents owe the city more than $625 million in overdue bills and penalties. So officials are planning to selectively cut the water to a few residences with outstanding bills to show that they are serious about collecting those debts. Officials plan to target only high-income neighborhoods, to make examples of a few privileged residents who will be in no position to complain since they were caught stiffing the system. But property owners are responsible for water bills. So why not just do what every other property-related creditor or tax authority does-attach a lien to the property? The money owed would automatically be available whenever a property was sold, and the threat of negative credit implications would be a powerful incentive to keep current with one's water obligations. Well, here's an answer: a loophole prohibits debts other than taxes from being subject to liens by the city, and, technically, water charges are not taxes. But if the problem is with the law, then why not change the law? Wouldn't that be easier, and politically smarter, than shutting off people's water?\nQ: Passage A suggests that an instance of \"capricious enforcement\" (line 32) most likely involves\nChoices:\nA.) not following the intent of the legislature in enforcing the law\nB.) prioritizing enforcement of the law according to the amount of damage caused by the crimes\nC.) enforcing the law only to the degree that municipal resources make possible\nD.) enforcing the law according to the legislature's intent in passing the laws\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Although most organisms are known to produce several kinds of proteins, the mechanism by which isolated protein molecules such as prions reproduce themselves is not yet known in detail.\nB.) Recent research suggests that prions may be responsible not only for CJD, but for most other degenerative neurological conditions as well.\nC.) The assertion that prions cause CJD has been received with great skepticism in the scientific community because it undermines a firmly entrenched view about the nature of pathogens.\nD.) Research into the cause of CJD has uncovered a deadly class of protein pathogens uniquely capable of reproducing themselves without genetic material.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The prevention of CJD would be most efficiently achieved by the prevention of certain genetic abnormalities.\nB.) The prion theory of infection has weak support within the scientific community.\nC.) CJD is contagious, though not highly so.\nD.) Although patients with CJD exhibit different incubation times, the disease progresses at about the same rate in all patients once symptoms are manifested.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: If the hypothesis that CJD is caused by prions is correct, finding the answer to which one of the following questions would tend most to help a physician in deciding whether a patient has CJD?\nChoices:\nA.) Has the patient been exposed to any forms of radiation that have a known tendency to cause certain kinds of genetic damage?\nB.) Does the patient experience occasional bouts of insomnia?\nC.) Has the patient suffered a severe blow to the skull recently?\nD.) Does the patient's brain tissue exhibit the presence of any abnormal thread-like structures?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The only way in which CJD can be transmitted is through the injection of abnormally shaped prions from an infected individual into an uninfected individual.\nB.) Alzheimers disease and Parkinson's disease are caused by different conformations of the same prion pathogen that causes CJD.\nC.) Most infectious diseases previously thought to be caused by other pathogens are now thought to be caused by prions.\nD.) If they were unable to reproduce themselves, abnormally shaped prions would not cause CJD.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be LEAST likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The body has no natural defense against CJD.\nB.) Some patients currently infected with CJD will recover from the disease.\nC.) The presence of certain abnormally shaped prions in brain tissue is a sign of neurological disease.\nD.) Scientists have only a partial understanding of the mechanism by which prions reproduce.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Given the manner in which the term \"pathogen\" is used in the passage, and assuming that the prion theory of infection is correct, which one of the following statements must be false?\nChoices:\nA.) There are other pathogens besides viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites.\nB.) Prions are a relatively newly discovered type of pathogen.\nC.) Pathogens contribute in some manner to the occurrence of CJD.\nD.) Nothing that lacks nucleic acid is a pathogen.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: An organism is considered to have an infection when a disease-causing agent, called a pathogen, establishes a viable presence in the organism. This can occur only if the pathogenic agent is able to reproduce itself in the host organism. The only agents believed until recently to be responsible for infections—viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites—reproduce and regulate their other life processes by means of genetic material, composed of nucleic acid (DNA or RNA). It was thus widely assumed that all pathogens contain such genetic material in their cellular structure. This assumption has been challenged, however, by scientists seeking to identify the pathogen that causes Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), a degenerative form of dementia in humans. CJD causes the brain to become riddled with tiny holes, like a sponge (evidence of extensive nerve cell death). Its symptoms include impaired muscle control, loss of mental acuity, memory loss, and chronic insomnia. Extensive experiments aimed at identifying the pathogen responsible for CJD have led surprisingly to the isolation of a disease agent lacking nucleic acid and consisting mainly, if not exclusively, of protein. Researchers coined the term \"prion\" for this new type of protein pathogen. Upon further study, scientists discovered that prions normally exist as harmless cellular proteins in many of the body's tissues, including white blood cells and nerve cells in the brain; however, they possess the capability of converting their structures into a dangerous abnormal shape. Prions exhibiting this abnormal conformation were found to have infectious properties and the ability to reproduce themselves in an unexpected way, by initiating a chain reaction that induces normally shaped prions to transform themselves on contact, one after another, into the abnormal, pathogenic conformation. This cascade of transformations produces a plaque, consisting of thread-like structures, that collects in the brain and ultimately destroys nerve cells. Because prions, unlike other pathogens, occur naturally in the body as proteins, the body does not produce an immune response when they are present. And in the absence of any effective therapy for preventing the cascade process by which affected prions reproduce themselves, CJD is inevitably fatal, though there are wide variations in pre-symptomatic incubation times and in how aggressively the disease progresses. Although the discovery of the link between prions and CJD was initially received with great skepticism in the scientific community, subsequent research has supported the conclusion that prions are an entirely new class of infectious pathogens. Furthermore, it is now believed that a similar process of protein malformation may be involved in other, more common degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's disease and Parkinson's disease. This possibility has yet to be fully explored, however, and the exact mechanisms by which prions reproduce themselves and cause cellular destruction have yet to be completely understood.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most undermine the claim that prions cause CJD?\nChoices:\nA.) Several symptoms closely resembling those of CJD have been experienced by patients known to have a specific viral infection.\nB.) Epidemiological studies carried out on a large population have failed to show any hereditary predisposition to CJD.\nC.) A newly developed antibacterial drug currently undergoing clinical trials is proving to be effective in reversing the onset of CJD.\nD.) Research undertaken subsequent to the studies on CJD has linked prions to degenerative conditions not affecting the brain or the central nervous system.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The innovative research methods of Katherine Dunham made possible her discovery that the dance traditions of the Caribbean were derived from earlier African dance traditions.\nB.) Katherine Dunham's expertise as an anthropologist allowed her to use Caribbean and African dance traditions to express the aesthetic and political concerns of African American dancers and choreographers.\nC.) Katherine Dunham transformed the field of anthropology by developing innovative research methodologies for studying Caribbean and other traditional dance styles and connecting them with African American dance.\nD.) Katherine Dunham's anthropological and choreographic expertise enabled her to make contributions that altered the landscape of modern dance in North America.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: According to the passage, Dunham's work in anthropology differed from that of most other anthropologists in the 1930s in that Dunham\nChoices:\nA.) employed a participative approach in performing research\nB.) had prior familiarity with the cultural practices of the peoples she set out to study\nC.) related the traditions she studied to those of her own culture\nD.) performed fieldwork for a very extended time period\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: The passage suggests that the \"peers\" mentioned in line 22 would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the study of dance?\nChoices:\nA.) Most social scientists who have attempted to study dance as a cultural phenomenon have misinterpreted it.\nB.) Research into dance as a cultural form cannot be conducted with a high degree of scientific precision.\nC.) Most experts in the field of dance are too preoccupied to conduct studies in the field of dance ethnology.\nD.) Dance forms are too variable across cultures to permit rigorous means of data collection.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: In the last sentence of the second paragraph, the author mentions \"experts in dance\" primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) contribute to an explanation of why a particular field of research was not previously pursued\nB.) identify an additional factor that motivated a particular social scientist to pursue a specific new line of research\nC.) indicate an additional possible reason for the tension between the members of two distinct fields of research\nD.) suggest that a certain group was more qualified to study a particular cultural form than was another group\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following was true of the dance forms that Dunham began studying in 1935?\nChoices:\nA.) They were more similar to dance forms used in Pacific-island cultures than to any other known dance forms.\nB.) They were influenced by the traditions of non-Caribbean cultures.\nC.) They represented the first use of the technique of dance-isolation within a culture outside of Africa.\nD.) They had already influenced certain popular dances in North America.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: Which one of the following is most analogous to Dunham's work in anthropology and choreography as that work is described in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A Canadian surgeon uses her skill in drawing to collaborate with a Vietnamese surgeon to develop a manual containing detailed illustrations of the proper techniques for certain types of reconstructive surgery performed in both countries.\nB.) An Australian medical researcher with training in botany analyzes the chemical composition of plants that other researchers have collected in the Philippines, and then an Australian pharmaceutical company uses her findings to develop successful new medicines.\nC.) An Italian fashion designer researches the social significance of clothing design in several cultures and then presents his research in a highly acclaimed book directed toward his colleagues in fashion design.\nD.) A Brazilian teacher with training in social psychology conducts a detailed study of teaching procedures while working with teachers in several Asian countries, then introduces the most effective of those procedures to teachers in his own country.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.\nQ: The passage suggests that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the colleagues mentioned in line 33?\nChoices:\nA.) They were incorrect in assuming that researchers in the social sciences are able to gather data in an entirely objective manner.\nB.) They were partly correct in advising Dunham to exercise initial caution in participating in the Caribbean dances, since her skill in performing them improved with experience.\nC.) They were incorrect in assuming that dance could be studied with the same degree of scientific rigor possible in other areas of ethnology.\nD.) They were partly correct in recommending that Dunham change her methods of data collection, since injury sustained during fieldwork might have compromised her research.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" those most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Both passages are primarily concerned with explaining which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) the relationship between income and happiness\nB.) the concept of \"required income\"\nC.) the biological basis of people's attitudes toward wealth\nD.) the human desire to create value\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: The author of passage B would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Very few people would be willing to accept a lower standard of living in return for greater relative wealth.\nB.) The desire to demonstrate that one is wealthier than others is a remnant of human beings' primeval past.\nC.) The overall level of happiness in a society usually increases as the society becomes wealthier.\nD.) Being wealthier than other people would not make one happier if one believed that one's wealth was due merely to luck.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: The author of passage B would be most likely to regard the conclusion that the Solnick and Hemenway study points to the existence of a \"phenomenon of rivalry\" (line 24) as\nChoices:\nA.) accurate concerning human nature and strongly supported by the evidence\nB.) flattering in its implications about human nature but only weakly supported by the available evidence\nC.) ungenerous in its view of human nature and mistaken in its interpretation of the evidence\nD.) unflattering in its implications about human nature but more or less valid in the conclusions drawn from the evidence\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs most accurately describes why the authors of passage A and passage B, respectively, mention the study by Solnick and Hemenway?\nChoices:\nA.) to present a view that will be argued against to present a view for which additional evidence will be provided\nB.) to provide evidence for one explanation of a phenomenon to present a view for which additional evidence will be provided\nC.) to introduce the main topic to be discussed to present a view that will be argued against\nD.) to provide evidence for one explanation of a phenomenon to introduce the main topic to be discussed\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: Which one of the following pairs of terms would most likely be used by the authors of passage A and passage B, respectively, to describe a person who wants to make more money than his or her neighbors?\nChoices:\nA.) misguided, admirable\nB.) insular, cosmopolitan\nC.) lucky, primitive\nD.) altruistic, egocentric\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the \"required income\" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their \"reference group\" 04bbthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.\nQ: In arguing for their respective positions, the author of passage A and the author of passage B both do which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) attempt to resolve an apparent paradox\nB.) accept a claim for the sake of argument\nC.) assert that their positions are supported by data\nD.) endorse a claim simply because it is widely believed\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Decisions about government intervention to protect people from risks should be based primarily on how many lives can be saved rather than on whether the risks are considered voluntary.\nB.) In general, whether people characterize a risk as voluntary or involuntary depends on whether they approve of the purpose for which the risk is taken.\nC.) People who make judgments about the voluntary or involuntary character of a risk are usually unaware of the complicated motivations that lead people to take risks.\nD.) Public-policy decisions related to the protection of society against risk are difficult to make because of the difficulty of distinguishing risks incurred voluntarily from those incurred involuntarily.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The passage indicates that which one of the following is usually a significant factor in laypeople's willingness to support public funding for specific risk-reduction measures?\nChoices:\nA.) an expectation about the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved\nB.) a belief as to whether the risk is incurred voluntarily or involuntarily\nC.) a judgment as to whether the risk puts a great number of lives at stake\nD.) deference to expert judgments concerning whether the government should intervene\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: According to the passage, which one of the following do laypeople generally consider to involve risk that is not freely assumed?\nChoices:\nA.) traveling in outer space\nB.) participating in skydiving\nC.) climbing mountains\nD.) traveling in airplanes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) People should generally not be protected against the risks incurred through activities, such as skydiving, that are dangerous and serve no socially useful purpose.\nB.) The main category of risk that is usually incurred completely involuntarily is the risk of natural disaster.\nC.) For public-policy purposes, a risk should be deemed voluntarily incurred if people are not subject to that risk unless they make a particular choice.\nD.) The fact that plane crash victims chose to fly would usually be deemed by policy experts to be largely irrelevant to decisions about the government's role in regulating air safety.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The author's use of the phrase \"no special magic\" (line 43) is most likely meant primarily to convey that notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary\"\nChoices:\nA.) have no meaning beyond their literal, dictionary definitions\nB.) do not exhaustively characterize the risks that people commonly face\nC.) provide a flawed mechanism for making public policy decisions relating to risk reduction\nD.) are mistakenly believed to be characteristics that inform people's understanding of the consequences of risk\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: The passage most strongly supports the inference that the author believes which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Some environmental risks are voluntary to a greater degree than others are.\nB.) Government policies intended to reduce risk are not justified unless they comport with most people's beliefs.\nC.) Whenever an activity involves the risk of loss of human life, the government should intervene to reduce the degree of risk incurred.\nD.) Policy experts are more likely than laypeople to form an accurate judgment about the voluntariness or involuntariness of an activity.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: It is generally believed that while in some cases government should intervene to protect people from risk—by imposing air safety standards, for example- in other cases, such as mountain climbing, the onus should be on the individual to protect himself or herself. In the eyes of the public at large, the demarcation between the two kinds of cases has mainly to do with whether the risk in question is incurred voluntarily. This distinction between voluntary and involuntary risk may in fact be the chief difference between lay and expert judgments about risk. Policy experts tend to focus on aggregate lives at stake; laypeople care a great deal whether a risk is undertaken voluntarily. However, judgments about whether a risk is \"involuntary\" often stem from confusion and selective attention, and the real reason for such judgments frequently lies in an antecedent judgment of some other kind. They are thus of little utility in guiding policy decisions. First, it is not easy to determine when a risk is voluntarily incurred. Although voluntariness may be entirely absent in the case of an unforeseeable collision with an asteroid, with most environmental, occupational, and other social risks, it is not an all-or-nothing matter, but rather one of degree. Risks incurred by airline passengers are typically thought to be involuntary, since passengers have no control over whether a plane is going to crash. But they can choose airlines on the basis of safety records or choose not to fly. In characterizing the risks as involuntary, people focus on a small part of a complex interaction, not the decision to fly, but the accident when it occurs. Second, people often characterize risks as \"voluntary\" when they do not approve of the purpose for which people run the risks. It is unlikely that people would want to pour enormous taxpayer resources into lowering the risks associated with skydiving, even if the ratio of dollars spent to lives saved were quite good. By contrast, people would probably not object to spending enormous resources on improving the safety of firefighters, even though the decision to become a firefighter is voluntary. In short, there is no special magic in notions like \"voluntary\" and \"involuntary.\" Therefore, regulatory policy should be guided by a better understanding of the factors that underlie judgments about voluntariness. In general, the government should attempt to save as many lives as it can, subject to the limited public and private resources devoted to risk reduction. Departures from this principle should be justified not by invoking the allegedly voluntary or involuntary nature of a particular risk, but rather by identifying the more specific considerations for which notions of voluntariness serve as proxies.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the author's attitude in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) skepticism about the reliability of laypeople's intuitions as a general guide to deciding government risk-management policy\nB.) conviction that the sole criterion that can justify government intervention to reduce risk is the saving of human lives\nC.) concern that policy guided mainly by laypeople's emphasis on the voluntariness of risk would lead to excessive government regulation\nD.) chagrin at the rampant misunderstanding of the relative risks associated with various activities\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Great perfumes are works of art and deserve respect and attention as such.\nB.) Perfume-making and oil painting should be regarded as sister arts, both of which involve the skilled application of complex configurations of ingredients.\nC.) A masterpiece perfume evokes reactions that are no less powerful than those evoked by a masterpiece in music or painting.\nD.) The corporate nature of the perfume business is the reason that so few truly great perfumes are now produced.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: In which one of the following circumstances would the author of the passage be most likely to believe that a perfume manufacturer is justified in altering the formula of a classic perfume?\nChoices:\nA.) The alteration takes a previously altered perfume closer to its creator's original formula.\nB.) The alteration is done to replace an ingredient that is currently very costly.\nC.) The alteration is done to make the perfume popular with a wider variety of customers.\nD.) The alteration makes the perfume more closely resemble Joy Parfum.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The word \"noses\" (line 29) refers to\nChoices:\nA.) people with expertise in pricing perfumes\nB.) particular perfumes\nC.) perfumers\nD.) people with expertise in marketing perfumes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements about art?\nChoices:\nA.) A work of art will inevitably fail if it is created for the sake of commercial success.\nB.) In any work of art, one can detect the harmonious combination of many small sensations.\nC.) A work of art can bring about an aesthetic experience through the memories that it evokes.\nD.) The best works of art improve with age.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The author would be most likely to hold which one of the following opinions about Jo;y Parfum by Henri Almeras?\nChoices:\nA.) It is a fragrance that is appreciated only by people with refined taste.\nB.) As a work of art, it is no less important than a great piece of sculpture.\nC.) It was the foremost accomplishment of its time in perfume making.\nD.) As time goes on, its artistry is appreciated more and more.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following is most analogous to what the author calls the \"cynical bean counters\" (line 47)?\nChoices:\nA.) an art school dean who slashes the budget of one project in order to increase the budget of his pet project\nB.) an art museum curator who caters to popular tastes in choosing works for an exhibition\nC.) a movie studio executive who imposes cost-saving production restrictions on a film's director\nD.) a director of an art institute who cuts the annual budget because of projections of declining revenues\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The last paragraph most strongly supports which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Companies that sell perfume make most of their profits on perfumes in the least expensive price ranges.\nB.) Companies that sell perfume pay little attention to what their customers want.\nC.) Perfume makers of the past would never tamper with established formulas.\nD.) The profitability of a particular perfume is not a good indicator of its quality.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The first paragraph poses a question, the middle paragraphs present a case that helps to justify the posing of that question, and the final paragraph presents a possible answer to the question.\nB.) The first paragraph advances a thesis, the middle paragraphs present a case for that thesis, and the final paragraph considers and rejects one particular challenge to that thesis.\nC.) The first paragraph sets out a challenge to received wisdom, the middle paragraphs present a response to that challenge, and the final paragraph presents a concrete example that supports the response.\nD.) The first paragraph outlines a problem, the middle paragraphs present two consequences of that problem, and the final paragraph attempts to identify the parties that are responsible for the problem.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The commonly practiced courtroom strategy of stealing thunder can have unintended consequences if the lawyers using it do not accurately predict jurors' attitudes.\nB.) Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is supported by several psychological explanations of how that strategy may influence jurors.\nC.) The risks involved in stealing thunder can outweigh the probable benefits when the information to be revealed is too readily available or too negative in its impact.\nD.) Research designed to confirm the usefulness of stealing thunder has vindicated lawyers' belief in the value of the technique and has identified the general limitations of the strategy's effectiveness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that which one of the following is an example of stealing thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) stressing that one's client, while technically guilty, is believable and that mitigating circumstances should be considered\nB.) responding to the opposition's revelation that one's client has a minor criminal background by conceding that this is the case\nC.) disclosing in opening statements of a defense against copyright infringement that one's client has in the past been guilty of plagiarism\nD.) pointing out to jurors during opening statements the mistaken reasoning in the opposition's case\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: Which one of the following does the author mention as a factor that in some instances probably contributes to the success of stealing thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) jurors' desire to arrive at a firm view regarding the case they are hearing\nB.) lawyers' careful screening of prospective jurors prior to the beginning of courtroom proceedings\nC.) careful timing of the thunder-stealing message to precede the opposition's similar message by only a short time\nD.) some lawyers' superior skill in assessing jurors' probable reactions to a message\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author discusses the \"cognitive framework\" that jurors create (line 58) primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) indicate that at least some information mentioned early in a trial can influence the way jurors evaluate information presented later in the trial\nB.) suggest that damaging evidence that is framed positively early in a trial will have a greater impact than damaging evidence presented later in a trial\nC.) indicate that jurors bring into court with them certain attitudes and biases that at least in part inform their opinions during trials\nD.) theorize that stealing thunder is best done as early as possible in a case, before the opposition has an opportunity to solidify jurors' opinions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author's attitude regarding stealing thunder can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) approving of its use on the grounds that its success is experimentally supported and can be psychologically explained\nB.) concerned that research results supporting it may omit crucial anecdotal evidence indicating pitfalls in its use\nC.) favorable toward its use by lawyers during the opening statements of a case but skeptical of its value otherwise\nD.) concerned that the technique may become so common that lawyers will fail to recognize its drawbacks\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author's characterization of stealing thunder in the passage is based at least partly on both\nChoices:\nA.) records of judges' decisions in court cases and the results of studies involving simulated courtroom situations\nB.) research that was not directly concerned with legal proceedings and research in which subjects participated in simulated trial situations\nC.) informal surveys of lawyers' clients' reactions to stealing thunder and controlled research based on simulated trial situations\nD.) statistical surveys of lawyers who steal thunder and observations of lawyers' tactics in trials\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: By saying that certain studies have suggested that in some applications, \"the technique is, in fact, effective\" (line 14), the author most likely means that those studies have given evidence that the technique in question\nChoices:\nA.) inclines juries to regard the clients of those using the technique more favorably than would be the case if the negative information about them were first divulged by the opposition\nB.) invariably results in cases being decided in favor of the clients of those using the technique rather than in favor of parties opposing those clients, if it is used broadly\nC.) more often than not achieves its goal of timing a negative revelation so as to dramatically precede the opposition's revelation of the same information\nD.) is a reliable means, in courtroom settings, of introducing a set of counterarguments that jurors will be able to use in resisting the opposition's subsequent attempts at persuasion\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The passage most strongly implies that many lawyers believe which one of the following concerning decisions about whether to steal thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) A lawyer should be concerned with how readily the negative information can be positively framed, especially if the information is very negative.\nB.) A lawyer should take into account, among other things, whether or not the jurors are already familiar with some of the relevant facts of the case prior to the trial.\nC.) The decision should depend on how probable it is that the opposition will try to derive an advantage from mentioning the negative information in question.\nD.) The decision should be based on careful deliberations that anticipate both positive and negative reactions of jurors and opposing lawyers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Both passages are concerned with answering which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Does scientific research into the brain have implications regarding freedom of the will?\nB.) Should people be punished for actions that are outside of their control?\nC.) Can actions that are not free be effectively deterred by the threat of punishment?\nD.) Can an action be free if someone else physically forced the actor to perform it?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Which one of the following concepts plays a role in the argument of passage B but not in that of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) self-delusion\nB.) free choice\nC.) mental disorder\nD.) moral responsibility\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: One purpose of the reference by the author of passage B to David Hume (line 34) is to\nChoices:\nA.) characterize Ayer as someone who is not an original thinker\nB.) add intellectual respectability to the view that the brain should not be described mechanistically\nC.) add credence to the theory of soft determinism\nD.) suggest that the theory of soft determinism has been in existence as long as mechanistic descriptions of the brain have\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Passage B differs from passage A in that analogous displays an attitude toward the ideas it discusses that is more\nChoices:\nA.) dismissive\nB.) detached\nC.) ironic\nD.) skeptical\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Which one of the following arguments is most to the argument advanced in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) The existing program for teaching mathematics in elementary schools is based on mistaken notions about what sorts of mathematical concepts children can grasp, and it should therefore be replaced.\nB.) Being autonomous does not imply having full control over one's behavior. After all, addicted smokers are unable to exercise control over some behaviors but are nevertheless autonomous in the general sense.\nC.) Civil disobedience is justified only in those cases in which civil law conflicts with one's sincere moral or religious convictions. Any attempt to justify civil disobedience on something other than moral or religious grounds is therefore illegitimate.\nD.) Economic models generally presume thatctors in an economy are entirely rational. But psychological studies have documented many ways in which people make irrational choices. Thus, economic models, in theory, should not be able to predict human behavior.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: According to the passage, the League of United Latin American Citizens differed from the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People in that the League of United Latin American Citizens\nChoices:\nA.) encouraged Mexican Americans to adopt the culture of the United States\nB.) sought the political goals most popular with other United States citizens\nC.) encouraged Mexican Americans to speak Spanish rather than English\nD.) favored a more liberal United States immigration policy\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that Garcia would most probably agree with which one of the following statements about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?\nChoices:\nA.) Most of them advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States.\nB.) Some of their concerns were similar to those of the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.\nC.) Most of them were more interested in revolution than in liberal reform.\nD.) They were more politically diverse than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The passage suggests that Garcia assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and I960?\nChoices:\nA.) Increased familiarity among Mexican Americans with United States culture accounted for an increase in political activity among them.\nB.) Many Mexican Americans were moved to political militancy as a means of achieving full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent.\nC.) The assimilation of many Mexican Americans into United States culture accounted for Mexican Americans' lack of interest in political activity.\nD.) Many Mexican Americans were moved to political protest by their experience of discrimination and the patronizing rhetoric of World War II slogans.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?\nChoices:\nA.) They did not succeed in fully achieving their political goals because of their disparate political views.\nB.) Their common goal of liberal reform did not outweigh their political differences.\nC.) Their common goal of liberal reform helped them reach a consensus in spite of their political differences.\nD.) They were more or less evenly divided between those favoring assimilation and those favoring cultural maintenance.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960\nB.) whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism\nC.) the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People\nD.) the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The passage supports which one of the following statements about ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans?\nChoices:\nA.) Variations in the influence of Mexican American leaders over the Mexican American population at large account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.\nB.) Ethnic consciousness increases when rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization increase.\nC.) Ethnic consciousness increases when the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States increases.\nD.) Variations in rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Because of his accomplishments as a composer,Schoenberg deserves to be as highly regarded as Beethoven.\nB.) Though Schoenberg's music is more widely appreciated today than when he was alive, it is still regarded by many as shrill and incoherent.\nC.) Schoenberg is most important for his invention of the 12-tone technique of musical composition.\nD.) Though Schoenberg's music has not always been well received by listeners, it is worthy of admiration for both its expressive range and its technical innovations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following could be said to be disturbing in a way that is most analogous to the way that Schoenberg's music is said to be disturbing in line 54?\nChoices:\nA.) a comedian whose humor shines a light on aspects of human nature many people would prefer to ignore\nB.) a comedian whose material expresses an extreme political philosophy\nC.) a comedian whose material is composed primarily of material already made famous by other comedians\nD.) a comedian whose material relies heavily upon vulgar humor\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: The author begins with the quote from Kotzebue primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest that one critic can sometimes be out of step with the general critical consensus\nB.) suggest that music that is at first seen as alienating need not seem alienating later\nC.) suggest that even Beethoven composed works of uneven quality\nD.) give an accurate account of the music of Beethoven\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: All of the following are similarities between Beethoven and Schoenberg that the author alludes to EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) They worked for a time in the late-Romanticstyle.\nB.) They altered the language and expressive range of music.\nC.) They worked in changing and evolving musical styles.\nD.) Their compositions stirred controversy.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following aspects of Schoenberg's music does the author appear to value most highly?\nChoices:\nA.) the depiction of emotional states that had never been captured in music before\nB.) the use of shifting chromatic harmonies\nC.) the use of the 12-tone system of musical composition\nD.) the progression through three different styles of composition seen over the course of his career\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the relationships between the three styles in which Schoenberg wrote?\nChoices:\nA.) Each successive style represents an inexplicabledeparture from the previous one.\nB.) The second style represents an inexplicabledeparture from the first, but the third style represents a natural progression from the second.\nC.) The second style represents an inexplicabledeparture from the first, but the third style represents a natural progression from the first.\nD.) Each successive style represents a natural progression from the previous one.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Patent litigation is so expensive that biotechnology patent holders are unlikely to bring patent-infringement lawsuits against scientists engaged in basic research.\nB.) By commercializing the research enterprise,biotechnology patents threaten the progress of basic research in the biological sciences.\nC.) Concerns expressed by academic researchers that biotechnology patents will negatively affect their ability to conduct basic research are largely misguided.\nD.) The current system of patent protection for intellectual property unfairly penalizes both academic researchers and commercial interests.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The academic researchers mentioned in lines 30-31 would be most likely to subscribe to which one of the following principles?\nChoices:\nA.) Academic researchers should take measures to prevent their competitors from gaining access to materials they have created.\nB.) Funding for scientific research projects should depend at least in part on the commercial potential of those projects.\nC.) The inventor of a biological material should not be allowed to charge fees that would prevent its use in basic research.\nD.) The competitive dynamics of the market should be allowed to determine the course of basic scientific research.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: According to the passage, why do university researchers increasingly believe that patents should be granted for commercially promising biotechnology discoveries?\nChoices:\nA.) Researchers' funding is often contingent on whether they can produce a patentable product.\nB.) Researchers increasingly believe their intellectual labor is being unfairly exploited by universities that partner with for-profit corporations.\nC.) Researchers' prospects for academic advancement depend on both the quality and the quantity of their research.\nD.) Researchers see no incompatibility between unfettered basic research and the granting of biotechnology patents.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: With which one of the following statements would the author be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) Scientists who oppose the idea of patenting biotechnology do so because their work is not sufficiently innovative to qualify for patent protection.\nB.) The cost of patent litigation is an effective check on patent holders who might otherwise try to prevent researchers engaged in basic research from using patented materials.\nC.) Corporate patent holders typically charge excessive fees for the right to conduct research involving their patented materials.\nD.) In the early days of biotechnology research,scientists freely shared research materials because they were not entitled to intellectual property protection for their inventions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The author refers. to the early days of biotechnology (line 38) primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) provide a historical justification for opposition to biotechnology patents\nB.) furnish a brief account of the evolution of academic biotechnology research\nC.) express nostalgia for a time when biotechnology research was untainted by commercial motives\nD.) establish that present competitive practices in biotechnology research are not entirely unprecedented\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The passage provides the strongest support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Suing for patent infringement is not the only way in which patent holders can assert legal control over the use of their patented materials.\nB.) Policy makers are no less likely than academic researchers to favor new restrictions on biotechnology patents.\nC.) Biotechnology researchers who work in academic institutions and oppose biotechnology patents are generally unable to obtain funding for their work.\nD.) Rapid commercialization in the field of biotechnology has led to a dearth of highly educated biologists willing to teach in academic institutions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: Suppose a university researcher wants to conduct basic, noncommercial research involving cell lines patented by a for-profit biotechnology corporation. The author would be most likely to make which one of the following predictions about the researcher's prospects?\nChoices:\nA.) The researcher will probably be unable to use the cell lines because the corporation holding the patent will demand a prohibitively high payment for their use.\nB.) The researcher has a good chance of not being held liable for patent infringement if she conducts the research and is subsequently sued.\nC.) The corporation will probably offer to fund the research if granted exclusive rights to any resulting marketable product.\nD.) The university that employs the researcher will likely prohibit the research in an effort to avoid being sued by the corporation holding the patent.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Because of the role played by wampum in relations between the Haudenosaune and Europeans, many historians have overlooked the communicative role that bead combinations played in Haudenosaune culture prior to contact with Europeans.\nB.) For the Haudenosaune, wampum did not originally serve as a form of money but as an evolving form of communication that, through the use of colors and symbols, conveyed information and that eventually encoded the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution.\nC.) The Haudenosaune's use of wampum originated with combinations of strings of beads with religious significance, but the need for communication between nations led to more complex uses of wampum including the transmission of political messages.\nD.) There is substantial evidence that the Haudenosaune's use of wampum as a medium of communication based on color combinations had its origin in the political events surrounding the establishment of the Haudenosaune Confederacy.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The fishing practice mentioned in the second paragraph is offered primarily as an instance of\nChoices:\nA.) an activity that was regulated by the laws of the Haudenosaune Confederacy\nB.) a type of knowledge that was encoded and passed on through the use of wampum\nC.) a traditional practice that reflects a stage in the evolution of wampum's uses\nD.) a practice that many historians learned of by studying wampum\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The last paragraph of the passage serves primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) give evidence of wampum's effectiveness as a means of ensuring compliance with the law of the Haudenosaune Confederacy\nB.) illustrate how wampum functioned as a system of symbolic representation\nC.) detail how wampum belts evolved from other forms of wampum\nD.) outline the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution as it was encoded using wampum\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Even if the evolution of wampum had not been altered by the arrival of Europeans, wampum would likely have become a form of currency because of its compactness.\nB.) The ancient associations of colors with spirits were important precursors to, and foundations of, later wampum representations that did not depend directly on these associations for their meaning.\nC.) If the Europeans who first began trading with the Haudenosaune had been aware that wampum was used as a means of communication, they would not have used wampum as a medium of exchange.\nD.) Because the associations with certain colors shifted over time, the same color beads acquired different meanings on belt wampum as opposed to string wampum.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Wampum was probably used on occasion as a medium of economic exchange long before the Haudenosaune had contact with Europeans.\nB.) Once wampum came to be used as currency intrade with Europeans, the constitution of the Haudenosaune Confederacy had to be recodified using other methods of representation.\nC.) As belt wampum superseded string wampum as a method of communication, wampum beads acquired subtler shadings in the colors used to represent abstract ideas.\nD.) The formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacycalled for a more complex method of communication than wampum as used until then had provided.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The Europeans who first came in contact with the Haudenosaune insisted on using wampum as a form of currency in spite of their awareness of its true significance.\nB.) There is evidence that Europeans who came incontact with the Haudenosaune adopted some long-standing Haudenosaune uses of wampum.\nC.) There is evidence that objects similar to wampum were used for symbolic representation by other peoples in addition to the Haudenosaune.\nD.) Present day interpretations of the significance of some of the symbols used in wampum belts are not conclusive.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following is a central topic of both passages ?\nChoices:\nA.) the role of negative evidence in scientific research\nB.) the role of auxiliary assumptions in predicting planetary orbits\nC.) the proper technique for confirming a scientific theory\nD.) the irrelevance of experimentation for disproving a scientific theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in passage A and illustrated in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) disproving a theory\nB.) repudiating an experimental result\nC.) theories that are not testable by experiment\nD.) revising a theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In passage B, which one of the following most clearly illustrates a disturbing force, as described in passage A (line 26)?\nChoices:\nA.) the moon\nB.) Neptune\nC.) the sun\nD.) Mercury\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In saying that Popper gives a certain idea \"hyperbolic application\" (line 7), the author of passage A means to suggest that Popper\nChoices:\nA.) draws too radical a conclusion from the idea\nB.) extends the idea to cases in which it does not apply\nC.) exaggerates the idea's relevance to a particular theory\nD.) commits a logical fallacy in reasoning about the idea\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: The author of passage A would be most likely to take which one of the following results mentioned in passage B as support for the claim made in the last sentence of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) the initial failure of Newton's laws to correctly predict Uranus's orbit\nB.) the failure to find Vulcan\nC.) the ultimate failure of Newton's laws to correctly predict Mercury's orbit\nD.) the discovery of Uranus\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In passage B's description of the developments leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity, which one of the following astronomical bodies plays a role most analogous to the black swan discussed in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Neptune\nB.) the sun\nC.) Uranus\nD.) Mercury\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would be likely to be most skeptical of which one of the following ideas mentioned in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science concerned the power of negative evidence.\nB.) There is a logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence.\nC.) Auxiliary premises are usually needed in order to derive predictions from a scientific theory.\nD.) Positive evidence plays no role in supporting a theory.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following scientific episodes is most analogous to the discovery of Neptune, as that episode is described in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) When a neutron decays into a proton and an electron, the combined energies of the two particles is less than the energy of the original neutron, in apparent contradiction of the law of conservation of energy. Wolfgang Pauli postulated that a third undetected particle is also created during the decay. The particle's existence was later confirmed.\nB.) Bernard Brunhes discovered rocks that were magnetized in a direction opposite to that of the present-day magnetic field. He concluded that Earth's magnetic field must have been reversed at some point in the past.\nC.) Galileo proposed that ocean tides are the result of Earth's motion in its orbit around the sun. But Galileo's theory of tides falsely predicted that there is only one high tide per day, when in fact there are two.\nD.) Walter Alvarez postulated that an asteroid impact caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. He based this on observing high levels of the mineral iridium in certain rock core samples. Later evidence of a large impact crater was discovered in the Yucatan Peninsula that dates to the time of the dinosaur extinction.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The author of passage B suggests that some laws justify the use of jury nullification because they are too\nChoices:\nA.) complicated\nB.) antiquated\nC.) general\nD.) permissive\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The authors of the passages differ in their attitudes towards juries in that the author of passage B is\nChoices:\nA.) more concerned about the fact that juries rarely provide the reasoning behind their verdicts\nB.) more confident in the ability of juries to exercise the power to nullify in a just manner\nC.) more disappointed in the failure of juries to use the power to nullify to effect social change\nD.) less trusting with regard to the motivations behind juries nullification decisions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Based on what can be inferred from their titles, the relationship between the documents in which one of the following pairs Js most ,analogpus to the relationship between passage A and passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) Cameras in the Courtroom: A Perversion of Justice? \"The Pros and Cons of Televising Courtroom regard as trivial.Proceedings\"\nB.) The Inherent Dangers of Permitting Cameras in Court \"How Televising Courtroom Proceedings Can Assist the Law\"\nC.) Cameras in the Courtroom: Three Central Issues in the Debate \"The Unexpected Benefits of Permitting Cameras in Court\"\nD.) The Troublesome History of Cameras in the Courtroom \"The Laudable Motives Behind Televised courtroom, Proceedings\"\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The authors of the passages would be most likely to disagree over whether\nChoices:\nA.) it is within the purview of juries not only to apply the law but to interpret it\nB.) it is likely that elected officials are more biased in their decision making than jurors are\nC.) police and prosecutors should have less discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue\nD.) juries should be more forthcoming about the reasoning behind their verdicts\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Which one of the following is a criticism that the author of passage A would be likely to offer regarding the suggestion in passage B that juries are justified in nullifying when they view a case as too trivial to result in a conviction?\nChoices:\nA.) Jurors may not have sufficient expertise to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of a case.\nB.) Jurors may not be aware of all the reasons why a case was brought against a defendant.\nC.) Prosecutors are unlikely to present a case in a manner that makes it appear trivial to a jury.\nD.) The members of a jury are unlikely to be in accord in their evaluation of a case's seriousness\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately characterizes the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage A denounces a judicial custom,while passage B proposes improvements to that custom.\nB.) Passage A argues that a problem facting legal systems is intractable, while passage B presents a solution to that problem.\nC.) Passage A offers a critique of a power possessed by juries, while passage B argues in support of that power.\nD.) Passage A surveys a range of evidence about jury behavior, while passage B suggests a hypothesis to explain that behavior.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Sociohistorical critics must engage in a form of Freudian analysis to justify, in light of apparently conflicting evidence, the claim that works of art embody the ideals of the elite.\nB.) Sociohistorical interpretations of art that claim that art merely reflects the ideals and values of the elite classes are overly simplistic.\nC.) Historically, art was primarily commissioned by the governing classes and the well-to-do middle classes,despite the fact that this arrangement was not apt to produce art that endures.\nD.) Historically, patrons of the arts have generally been more interested in what being a patron would do for their reputation than in influencing the development of the arts.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: In using the phrase \"something for display\" (lines 12-13),the author most probably means art that\nChoices:\nA.) provided .the patron with personal satisfaction\nB.) could be used to attract customers to the patron's business\nC.) was meant to create an impression that reflected positively on the patron\nD.) allowed the patron to make a political statement to the world\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the attitude of Matthew Arnold toward the aristocratic and middle classes can best be described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) indifference\nB.) disappointment\nC.) empathy\nD.) scorn\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage raises all of the following as complications for the sociohistorical interpretation of art EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) patrons who had eccentric tastes not reflective of the ideals of the elite classes\nB.) patrons who bought artwork solely for the purpose of reselling that artwork for a profit\nC.) patrons who unwillingly bought artwork that conflicted with their values\nD.) patrons whose taste was unlikely to produce art that endured\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage suggests that Taruskin's position commits him to which one of the following views?\nChoices:\nA.) If it endures, high art that appears to undermine the ideology of the elite actually supports that ideology in some way.\nB.) The most talented artists throughout history have been those whose work embodied the ideology of the elite in hidden ways.\nC.) Typically, art that reflects the ideology of the elite is produced by artists who are themselves members of the aristocratic or middle classes.\nD.) The most talented artists throughout history have been those whose work subverted the ideology of the elite in subtle ways.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The primary function of the third paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) offer additional evidence for the conclusion reach,ed in the second paragraph\nB.) draw a definitive conclusion from the claims made in the second paragraph\nC.) present an argument that weakens the argument made in the second paragraph\nD.) identify assumptions relied upon by a type of analysis referred to in the first paragraph\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The author mentions \"Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartments\" (lines 18-19) for which one of the following reasons?\nChoices:\nA.) to provide an example that illustrates the understanding of elitism in art favored by sociohistorical critics\nB.) to illustrate the influence of religion on the historical development of art\nC.) to present an example of the most common type of relationship between a patron and an artist\nD.) to show how an artist can subvert the ideals of the patron\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage suggests that Matthew Arnold would be most likely to identify which one of the following as the primary reason why, historically, people in the middle class became patrons of the arts?\nChoices:\nA.) a dislike for the kind of art typically sponsored by the aristocracy\nB.) a desire to establish a reputation as a patron of the arts\nC.) a belief in the importance of the arts to society as a whole\nD.) a realization that patronage ensures the production of high-quality art\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Based on her analysis of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens dating to roughly 4000 B.C., Schmandt-Besserat concludes ,that this system of tokens eventually evolved into an abstract written language??\nB.) The discovery Of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing small tokens confirms Schmandt-Besserat's hypothesis that a language becomes increasingly abstract as the arts and crafts of the people who use the language become more abstract.\nC.) Inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens discovered in modem Iraq have provided Schmandt-Besserat with the evidence required to resolve the puzzlement of archaeologists over the sudden appearance of sophisticated crafts.\nD.) The inscriptions found on clay envelopes containing small clay tokens have enabled Schmandt-Besserat to formulate a more detailed picture of the way in which a simple system of three-dimensional nouns evolved into modem languages.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: With which one of the following statements about the society in which the clay tokens were used would Schmandt-Besserat be most-likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) Without a readily available supply of raw clay, the society could not have developed a system of representation that used tokens\nB.) Society members regarded whatever was produced by any individual as the common property of all.\nC.) Society members trade and other economic activities were managed by a strong centralized governmental authority.\nD.) The society eventually came to regard the clay tokens as redundant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: The passage stat es that the writing on clay tablets found in Uruk\nChoices:\nA.) used relatively few pictographic symbols\nB.) was not deciphered by archaeologists until 1992\nC.) transcribed a language that was much older than archaeologists would have expected\nD.) eventually evolved into a more abstract and flexible linguistic system\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: According to the passage, the token system\nChoices:\nA.) was originally thought by most archaeologists to have had a primarily religious function\nB.) came to designate a broad range of objects as the crafts of the people who used it became more diverse and sophisticated\nC.) was eventually abandoned because it was not capable of representing quantity and other abstractions\nD.) became physically unwieldy and cumbersome as it s users agricultural products became more diverse\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: By characterizing certain cuneiform inscriptions on the clay tablets found in Uruk as \"abstract\" (line 10) the author most likely means that\nChoices:\nA.) the inscriptions refer to general categories rather than specific things\nB.) the inscriptions are meant to represent intangible concepts\nC.) the terms represented by the inscriptions were more ceremonial in nature than most daily speech was\nD.) the inscriptions do not resemble what they designate\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: It can be inferred from the discussion of clay tokens in the second paragraph that\nChoices:\nA.) there were many tokens that designated more than one type of item\nB.) some later tokens were less abstract than some earlier ones\nC.) the token system was as abstract and flexible as later written languages\nD.) the storage and transportation of liquids were among the most important tasks performed by the token system's users\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: With which one of the following statements regarding the sign for \"sheep\" (line 6) would the author of the passage be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) The abstract nature of the sign reveals a great deal ab out the political life of the people who used the language expressed by uniform writing.\nB.) It could have been replaced without loss of significance by any other sign that was not already being used for something else.\nC.) The way in which it represent s it s meaning resulted from the fact that sheep are an agricultural commodity rather than a product of human industry.\nD.) The sign gets its meaning in a radically different way from the way in which the cuneiform sign for \"metal\" gets its meaning.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most call into question Schmandt-Besserat's theory mentioned in lines 28-33developed?\nChoices:\nA.) There is no archaeological evidence suggesting that the tokens in use from ab out 4000 B.C. to 3100 B.C. were necessarily meant to be placed in clay envelopes.\nB.) It was customary for villagers who performed services for another person to receive in return a record of a promise of agricultural products or crafted objects as compensation.\nC.) The more than 100 clay envelopes discovered at archaeological sites along the Jordan come in many different dimensions, thicknesses, and styles of composition.\nD.) The tablets marked in cuneiform dating after 3000 B.C. do not seem to function as records of villagers contributions to a temple-based pool of goods.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: The information in the passage most helps to answer a which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Which constituent element of CFCs is most damaging to ozone?\nB.) Does .any chemical that does not contain chlorine contribute to the destruction of ozone molecules?\nC.) What was the estimated concentration of CFCs in the atmosphere in 1 987?\nD.) What laboratory experiments were conducted by Molina or Rowland in their research on CFCs?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the conclusions of Molina and Rowland concerning the long-term effects of CFCs in the stratosphere?\nChoices:\nA.) Current CFC levels in the troposphere suggest that not all nations currently abide by the Montreal Protocol.\nB.) Ozone has been shown to react more violently with chlorine than with many other chemicals.\nC.) Other manufactured chemicals have been found to diffuse upward into the stratosphere when released into the troposphere.\nD.) The hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica continued to grow for years after CFC emissions had almost ceased.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the information in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The upward flow of CFCs into the stratosphere occurs mainly in Antarctica.\nB.) Regulating the use of CFCs contributes indirectly to lowering the incidence of skin cancer.\nC.) Little or no ozone destruction occurs naturally in the stratosphere unless chlorine is present.\nD.) Few chemicals besides CFCs can result in the release of chlorine in the upper atmosphere.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Based on the passage, the information yielded by which one of the following experiments would be most useful in determining whether a particular chemical could replace CFCs without damaging the ozone layer?\nChoices:\nA.) testing to see what chemical properties the chemical or its constituent elements share with chlorine\nB.) testing the chemical to see if it would break down into its components when subjected to ultraviolet radiation\nC.) testing to see whether the chemical,when released into the lower atmosphere, would react with other chemicals commonly found there\nD.) testing to see whether the chemical is capable of reacting with forms of oxygen other than ozone\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the information in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The Montreal Protocol led to the cessation of CFC production in North America.\nB.) CFCs were originally used in refrigeration components because they provided the most energy-efficient means of refrigeration\nC.) Refrigerant chemicals developed as substitutes for CFCs after 1987 release fewer chlorine atoms into the stratosphere than CFCs do.\nD.) Some of the refrigerant chemicals being manufactured today contain chemicals known to be environmentally damaging.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: According to the passage, Rawls uses which one of the following devices to explain his theory?\nChoices:\nA.) an empirical study of social institutions\nB.) a deduction from a few basic principles\nC.) a thought experiment\nD.) a process of elimination\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The purpose of the question in lines 6-8 is to\nChoices:\nA.) point out an implausible feature of utilitarianism\nB.) establish that utilitarianism must be true\nC.) suggest the intuitive appeal of utilitarianism\nD.) characterize utilitarianism as internally contradictory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The author's primary purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) debate the pros and cons of a complex theory\nB.) show why a once-dominant theory was abandoned\nC.) describe the novel way in which a theory addresses a problem\nD.) sketch the historical development of acelebrated theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: With which one of the following statements would both Rawls and the author of the passage be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) Unless individuals set aside their ownself-interest, they cannot make fair judgments about the distribution of goods.\nB.) It is fair to sacrifice the individual's interests if doing so will maximize the satisfaction of the majority.\nC.) Most people agree about which of the primary goods is the most valuable.\nD.) There are situations in which it is permissible to treat the fulfillment of one person's preferences as more important than the fulfillment of the majority's preferences.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The author's stance toward Rawls's theory is most accurately described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) admiration for its ingenuity coupled with misgivings about some of its implications\nB.) scholarly neutrality with respect both to its objectives and its development\nC.) sympathy with its recommendations tempered with skepticism about its cogency\nD.) disdain for its pretensions camouflaged by declarations of respect for its author\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: Which one of the following would, if true, most call into question the claim in lines 49-51 of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) It is impossible in practice for people to be ignorant of their stations in life, abilities, and tastes.\nB.) Some people would be willing to risk acomplete loss of one primary good for the chance of obtaining an enormous amount of another primary good.\nC.) Few people believe that they would be satisfied with only a minimum amount of primary goods.\nD.) People tend to overestimate the resources available for distribution and to underestimate their own needs.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Approximately 40 percent of the African American population left the Southern U.S. between 1915 and 1960-an event historians refer to as the Great Migration.\nB.) Although the Great Migration was initially triggered by the income differential between the North and South, other factors must be cited in order to explain its duration over several decades\nC.) The Great Migration was triggered by an increased labor demand in the North due to the onset of World War I and a reduced labor demand in the South due to a boll weevil infestation.\nD.) Because earlier migrants helped defray the financial costs of migration for later migrants, African American migration to the Nortii accelerated at a time when income differences were narrowing.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: According to the passage, the Great Migration did not start earlier than 1915 because\nChoices:\nA.) agricultural jobs in the South paid very well before the boll weevil infestation\nB.) the income gap between the North and South was not large enough to induce people to migrate\nC.) previous migration had yet to develop sufficient momentum to induce further migration\nD.) the cost of living in the North was prohibitively high before World War I\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The third and fourth paragraphs of the passage function primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) cast doubt upon a historical explanation presented in the first paragraph\nB.) answer a question raised in the second paragraph about a historical event\nC.) provide additional evidence for historical claims made in the first paragraph\nD.) survey the repercussions of a historical event described in the first two paragraphs\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The authors of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Large-scale migrations generally did not occur until the early twentieth century, when significant interregional income differences arose as a result of rapid industrialization.\nB.) Expected financial gains alone may not be are liable indicator of the likelihood that an individual will migrate.\nC.) A complete explanation of the Great Migration must begin with an account of what triggered nineteenth-century migrations to the North.\nD.) Most large-scale migrations can be adequately explained in terms of the movement of people from lower- to higher-income regions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The primary purpose of the last sentence of the second paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest that the Great Migration cannot be explained\nB.) extend the authors' explanation of the causes of the Great Migration to include later events\nC.) indicate why previous research on the Great Migration has been misguided\nD.) present a fact about the Great Migration that the authors seek to explain\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Most migrants in the Great Migration made at least one trip back to the South to provide help and information to other people who were considering migrating as well.\nB.) The North-South income gap increased around 1915 because of the increase in demand for labor in the North and the decrease in demand for labor in the South.\nC.) The highest-paying agricultural jobs in the South prior to 1915 did not pay more than the lowest-paying manufacturing jobs in the North.\nD.) The overall cost of migrating from the South to the North in the twentieth century was lower for the earliest migrants because there were more of the highest-paying jobs available for them to choose from.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would provide the most support for the authors! analysis of the Great Migration?\nChoices:\nA.) The average amount of time it took new migrants to find employment in the North grew at a steady rate between 1915 and 1960.\nB.) Housing prices in the North fluctuated between high and low extremes from 1915 to 1960, while housing prices in the South remained relatively constant.\nC.) There was a large-scale reverse migration of African Americans back to Southern locations later in the twentieth century.\nD.) In general, communities of African Americans in the North consisted largely of individuals who shared a common geographic place of origin in the South.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Both passages are primarily concerned with answering which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Why do investors engage in insider trading?\nB.) What is the best means of regulatinginsider trading?\nC.) How is insider trading defined?\nD.) Is insider trading harmful to the stock market?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: In their attitudes toward stock trades based on inside information, the author of passage A and the author of passage B,respectively, may be most accurately described as\nChoices:\nA.) positive and neutral\nB.) neutral and neutral\nC.) positive and negative\nD.) negative and negative\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: The authors would be most likely to agree that\nChoices:\nA.) it is appropriate for investors to seek to gain an advantage by superior stock analysis\nB.) insider nontrading should be regulated to the same extent as insider trading\nC.) all information should be available to all market participants at the same time\nD.) insider trading tends to undermine investor confidence in the stock market\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Which one of the following laws would conform most closely to the position articulated by the author of passage A but not that articulated by the author of passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) a law that legalizes trading based on inside information, as long as that information is not acquired by theft or other unlawful means\nB.) a law that legalizes selling based on inside information that a stock's price ought to be dropping but prohibits buying based on inside information that it should be rising\nC.) a law that prohibits trading based on information that is not shared by everyone\nD.) a law that prohibits trading that could reasonably be expected to undermine investors' confidence in the stock market\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Passage A, unlike passage B, seeks to advance its argument by\nChoices:\nA.) describing the consequences that would result from allowing an activity\nB.) pointing out similarities between a controversial activity and uncontroversial ones\nC.) examining the motivations of an activity's participants\nD.) applying general principles to particular examples\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: The passages' references to the analysis of information about stocks (lines 11-14, lines 40-42) are related in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage A presents it as unnecessary, since all relevant information is already reflected in stock prices, whereas passage B presents it as necessary for making sound investment decisions.\nB.) Passage A uses it as an example of an activity that compensates for the market's lack of transparency, whereas passage B uses it as an example of an activity whose viability is conditional upon the transparency of the market.\nC.) Passage A treats it as an option available only to brokers and other stock-market professionals, whereas passage B treats it as an option available to ordinary investors as well.\nD.) Passage A presents it as comparable to the acquisition of inside information, whereas passage B contrasts it with the acquisition of inside information.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Contrary to what is usually asserted in the popular press, reason and emotion are probably not located in the prefrontal cortex and the amygdala, respectively.\nB.) The use of brain scans to depict mental activity relies on both a questionable premise and a misleading methodological approach.\nC.) In spite of troubling conceptual problems surrounding brain scan technology, its use in psychological research on mental activity has grown rapidly.\nD.) The modular theory of mind has gained wide currency precisely because it is illustrated effectively by the images produced by the subtractive method.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: According to the modular theory of mind, as described in the passage, mental activity\nChoices:\nA.) is localized in the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex\nB.) involves physical processes over which people have only limited control\nC.) generally involves some sort of reason-giving\nD.) consists of distinct components in localized areas of the brain\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements regarding the subtractive method?\nChoices:\nA.) The subtractive method results in images that strongly support Uttal's view that mental processes are simply properties of a more general mental activity.\nB.) The subtractive method seems to strongly support the modular theory of mind because it creates an illusion that brain functions are localized.\nC.) Brain scans of individuals experiencing anger that were produced using the subtractive method show that emotions are not actually seated in the amygdala.\nD.) Because the subtractive method masks distributed brain functions, empirical results derived using the method are invalid for medical applications.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: A central fiction of the final paragraph of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) show why the type of empirical evidence discussed in the third paragraph does not defeat the argument presented in the second paragraph\nB.) contend that the research method detailed in the third paragraph relies upon an outdated theoretical model described in the second paragraph\nC.) criticize the research results described in the third paragraph on the grounds that they are incompatible with the basic premise described in the first paragraph\nD.) suggest that the position articulated in the first paragraph needs to be modified to accommodate the results outlined in the third paragraph\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: The author draws an analogy between brain scans and X-rays primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) argue that X-ray images undermine a theory that brain scans are often used to support\nB.) show how brain scan technology evolved from older technologies such as X-rays\nC.) suggest that new technology can influence the popularity of a scientific theory\nD.) contrast a valid use of brain scans with one of more doubtful value\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: According to the passage, psychologist William Uttal contends that the various mental processes are likely to be\nChoices:\nA.) generally uniform in their rates of oxygen use\nB.) essentially an amalgamation of emotion and reason\nC.) independent modules that are based in different areas of the brain\nD.) detectable using brain scans enhanced by means of the subtractive method\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The modular theory of mind holds that regions of the brain that are not engaged in a specific cognitive task have a rate of oxygen use that is close to zero.\nB.) When a brain scan subject experiences anger,the subtractive method shows several regions of the brain as \"lit up\" with metabolic activity.\nC.) During the performance of certain cognitive tasks, the areas of the brain that are most metabolically active show a rate of oxygen use that is higher than that of the rest of the brain.\nD.) Although there are important exceptions, most cognition does in fact depend on independent modules located in specific regions of the brain.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: Which one of the following is most analogous to the manner in which FMRI scans of brain activity are typically interpreted, as described in the last two paragraphs?\nChoices:\nA.) A store launched a yearlong advertising campaign and had an increase in shoppers only during the summer,so the advertisements affected only the summer shoppers.\nB.) One particular district in the city voted for the new mayor by an unusually large margin, so the mayor could not have won without that district.\nC.) Internet traffic is highest during the evening hours, so most Internet traffic during these peak hours originates in homes rather than in office buildings.\nD.) Much more of the water supply is used by agricultural customers than by residential customers, so it is the agricultural sector that is impacted most severely when droughts occur.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following is most analogous to what the author calls the \"cynical bean counters\" (line 47)?\nChoices:\nA.) a business executive who convinces her company to invest in art merely for the sake of tax benefits\nB.) a director of an art institute who cuts the annual budget because of projections of declining revenues\nC.) an art museum curator who caters to popular tastes in choosing works for an exhibition\nD.) a movie studio executive who imposes cost-saving production restrictions on a film's director\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: The last paragraph most strongly supports which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) Companies that sell perfume pay little attention to what their customers want.\nB.) The profitability of a particular perfume is not a good indicator of its quality.\nC.) Companies that sell perfume make most of their profits on perfumes in the least expensive price ranges.\nD.) The names of the world's best perfumes are not known to most customers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented \"noses\" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The first paragraph outlines a problem, the middle paragraphs present two consequences of that problem, and the final paragraph attempts to identify the parties that are responsible for the problem.\nB.) The first paragraph advances a thesis, the middle paragraphs present a case for that thesis, and the final paragraph considers and rejects one particular challenge to that thesis.\nC.) The first paragraph poses a question, the middle paragraphs present a case that helps to justify the posing of that question, and the final paragraph presents a possible answer to the question.\nD.) The first paragraph sets out a challenge to received wisdom, the middle paragraphs present a response to that challenge, and the final paragraph presents a concrete example that supports the response.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Although there are limits to the usefulness of stealing thunder, its effectiveness in actual trials has been demonstrated through research conducted by psychologists and legal scholars.\nB.) Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is supported by several psychological explanations of how that strategy may influence jurors.\nC.) The risks involved in stealing thunder can outweigh the probable benefits when the information to be revealed is too readily available or too negative in its impact.\nD.) Research designed to confirm the usefulness of stealing thunder has vindicated lawyers' belief in the value of the technique and has identified the general limitations of the strategy's effectiveness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that which one of the following is an example of stealing thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) stressing that one's client, while technically guilty, is believable and that mitigating circumstances should be considered\nB.) disclosing in opening statements of a defense against copyright infringement that one's client has in the past been guilty of plagiarism\nC.) responding to the opposition's revelation that one's client has a minor criminal background by conceding that this is the case\nD.) warning jurors that a client on the opposing side has a serious conflict of interest and cannot be trusted\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: Which one of the following does the author mention as a factor that in some instances probably contributes to the success of stealing thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) some lawyers' superior skill in assessing jurors' probable reactions to a message\nB.) jurors' desire to arrive at a firm view regarding the case they are hearing\nC.) lawyers' careful screening of prospective jurors prior to the beginning of courtroom proceedings\nD.) the willingness of some lawyers' clients to testify in person about their own past mistakes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author discusses the \"cognitive framework\" that jurors create (line 58) primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest that damaging evidence that is framed positively early in a trial will have a greater impact than damaging evidence presented later in a trial\nB.) indicate that at least some information mentioned early in a trial can influence the way jurors evaluate information presented later in the trial\nC.) theorize that stealing thunder is best done as early as possible in a case, before the opposition has an opportunity to solidify jurors' opinions\nD.) indicate that jurors bring into court with them certain attitudes and biases that at least in part inform their opinions during trials\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author's attitude regarding stealing thunder can most accurately be described as\nChoices:\nA.) approving of its use on the grounds that its success is experimentally supported and can be psychologically explained\nB.) skeptical of its suitability for use by lawyers without lengthy experience in courtroom strategies\nC.) concerned that research results supporting it may omit crucial anecdotal evidence indicating pitfalls in its use\nD.) concerned that the technique may become so common that lawyers will fail to recognize its drawbacks\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The author's characterization of stealing thunder in the passage is based at least partly on both\nChoices:\nA.) informal surveys of lawyers' clients' reactions to stealing thunder and controlled research based on simulated trial situations\nB.) research that was not directly concerned with legal proceedings and research in which subjects participated in simulated trial situations\nC.) informal observations of nontrial uses of techniques analogous to stealing thunder and controlled studies of lawyers' courtroom behavior\nD.) statistical surveys of lawyers who steal thunder and observations of lawyers' tactics in trials\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: By saying that certain studies have suggested that in some applications, \"the technique is, in fact, effective\" (line 14), the author most likely means that those studies have given evidence that the technique in question\nChoices:\nA.) inclines juries to regard the clients of those using the technique more favorably than would be the case if the negative information about them were first divulged by the opposition\nB.) is a reliable means, in courtroom settings, of introducing a set of counterarguments that jurors will be able to use in resisting the opposition's subsequent attempts at persuasion\nC.) appears generally to succeed as a means of forcefully capturing jurors' attention and thus leading them to focus more attentively than they would otherwise on the lawyer's message\nD.) more often than not achieves its goal of timing a negative revelation so as to dramatically precede the opposition's revelation of the same information\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \"Stealing thunder\" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming \"old news.\" Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their \"spin\" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.\nQ: The passage most strongly implies that many lawyers believe which one of the following concerning decisions about whether to steal thunder?\nChoices:\nA.) The decision should be based at least partly on a lawyer's knowledge of relevant psychological research findings and legal statistics.\nB.) A lawyer should take into account, among other things, whether or not the jurors are already familiar with some of the relevant facts of the case prior to the trial.\nC.) The decision should depend on how probable it is that the opposition will try to derive an advantage from mentioning the negative information in question.\nD.) A lawyer should be concerned with how readily the negative information can be positively framed, especially if the information is very negative.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Both passages are concerned with answering which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Is the view that retribution is a legitimate justification for punishment compatible with the findings of neuroscience?\nB.) Does scientific research into the brain have implications regarding freedom of the will?\nC.) Can an action be free if someone else physically forced the actor to perform it?\nD.) Should people be punished for actions that are outside of their control?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Which one of the following concepts plays a role in the argument of passage B but not in that of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) self-delusion\nB.) moral responsibility\nC.) mental disorder\nD.) causality\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: One purpose of the reference by the author of passage B to David Hume (line 34) is to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest that the theory of soft determinism is primarily of historical importance\nB.) add credence to the theory of soft determinism\nC.) add intellectual respectability to the view that the brain should not be described mechanistically\nD.) characterize Ayer as someone who is not an original thinker\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Passage B differs from passage A in that analogous displays an attitude toward the ideas it discusses that is more\nChoices:\nA.) detached\nB.) engaged\nC.) ironic\nD.) skeptical\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of \"soft determinism.\" He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.\nQ: Which one of the following arguments is most to the argument advanced in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Many word processors are packed with nonessential features that only confuse most users and get in the way of important functions. Word processors with fewer features thus enhance productivity.\nB.) Economic models generally presume thatctors in an economy are entirely rational. But psychological studies have documented many ways in which people make irrational choices. Thus, economic models, in theory, should not be able to predict human behavior.\nC.) Civil disobedience is justified only in those cases in which civil law conflicts with one's sincere moral or religious convictions. Any attempt to justify civil disobedience on something other than moral or religious grounds is therefore illegitimate.\nD.) The existing program for teaching mathematics in elementary schools is based on mistaken notions about what sorts of mathematical concepts children can grasp, and it should therefore be replaced.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: According to the passage, the League of United Latin American Citizens differed from the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People in that the League of United Latin American Citizens\nChoices:\nA.) encouraged Mexican Americans to speak Spanish rather than English\nB.) sought the political goals most popular with other United States citizens\nC.) fought for equal rights for resident aliens in the United States\nD.) encouraged Mexican Americans to adopt the culture of the United States\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that Garcia would most probably agree with which one of the following statements about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?\nChoices:\nA.) They were more politically diverse than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.\nB.) Most of them were more interested in revolution than in liberal reform.\nC.) Some of their concerns were similar to those of the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.\nD.) Most of them advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The passage suggests that Garcia assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and I960?\nChoices:\nA.) Increased ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans accounted for an increase in political activity among them.\nB.) The assimilation of many Mexican Americans into United States culture accounted for Mexican Americans' lack of interest in political activity.\nC.) Many Mexican Americans were moved to political militancy as a means of achieving full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent.\nD.) Increased familiarity among Mexican Americans with United States culture accounted for an increase in political activity among them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of the passage believes which one of the following about the Mexican American political activists of the 1930s and 1940s?\nChoices:\nA.) Their common goal of liberal reform made them less militant than the Mexican American activists of the 1960s and 1970s.\nB.) Their common goal of liberal reform did not outweigh their political differences.\nC.) Their common goal of liberal reform helped them reach a consensus in spite of their political differences.\nD.) They were more or less evenly divided between those favoring assimilation and those favoring cultural maintenance.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The author of the passage expresses uncertainty with regard to which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) whether or not one can assume that the increase in the number of Mexican Americans born in the United States led to an increase in Mexican American political activism\nB.) the nature of the relationship between the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People\nC.) whether or not there was general consensus among Mexican American political activists between 1930 and 1960\nD.) the extent to which the views of Mexican American activists were shared by the ethnic Mexican population in the United States\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the \"Mexican American Generation\" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.\nQ: The passage supports which one of the following statements about ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans?\nChoices:\nA.) Ethnic consciousness increases when rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization increase.\nB.) Variations in rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.\nC.) Ethnic consciousness decreases when the number of Mexican Americans assimilating into the culture of the United States increases.\nD.) Variations in the influence of Mexican American leaders over the Mexican American population at large account in part for variations in ethnic consciousness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Though Schoenberg's music has not always been well received by listeners, it is worthy of admiration for both its expressive range and its technical innovations.\nB.) Though Schoenberg's music is more widely appreciated today than when he was alive, it is still regarded by many as shrill and incoherent.\nC.) Because of his accomplishments as a composer,Schoenberg deserves to be as highly regarded as Beethoven.\nD.) Schoenberg is most important for his invention of the 12-tone technique of musical composition.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following could be said to be disturbing in a way that is most analogous to the way that Schoenberg's music is said to be disturbing in line 54?\nChoices:\nA.) a comedian whose style of humor is unfamiliar to the audience\nB.) a comedian whose material expresses an extreme political philosophy\nC.) a comedian whose material is composed primarily of material already made famous by other comedians\nD.) a comedian whose humor shines a light on aspects of human nature many people would prefer to ignore\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: The author begins with the quote from Kotzebue primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) give an accurate account of the music of Beethoven\nB.) suggest that even Beethoven composed works of uneven quality\nC.) suggest that music that is at first seen as alienating need not seem alienating later\nD.) give an accurate account of the music of Schoenberg\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: All of the following are similarities between Beethoven and Schoenberg that the author alludes to EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) They worked for a time in the late-Romanticstyle.\nB.) Their music has been regarded by some listeners as incoherent, shrill, and chaotic.\nC.) They worked in changing and evolving musical styles.\nD.) They altered the language and expressive range of music.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: Which one of the following aspects of Schoenberg's music does the author appear to value most highly?\nChoices:\nA.) the progression through three different styles of composition seen over the course of his career\nB.) the depiction of emotional states that had never been captured in music before\nC.) the technical mastery of his compositions\nD.) the use of the 12-tone system of musical composition\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect.\" This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the relationships between the three styles in which Schoenberg wrote?\nChoices:\nA.) The second style represents an inexplicabledeparture from the first, but the third style represents a natural progression from the first.\nB.) The second style represents a natural progression from the first, but the third style represents an inexplicable departure from the second.\nC.) Each successive style represents a natural progression from the previous one.\nD.) Each successive style represents an inexplicabledeparture from the previous one.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Concerns expressed by academic researchers that biotechnology patents will negatively affect their ability to conduct basic research are largely misguided.\nB.) By commercializing the research enterprise,biotechnology patents threaten the progress of basic research in the biological sciences.\nC.) The recent shift away from a communal tradition and toward a market-driven approach to basic scientific research has caused controversy among scientists.\nD.) The current system of patent protection for intellectual property unfairly penalizes both academic researchers and commercial interests.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The academic researchers mentioned in lines 30-31 would be most likely to subscribe to which one of the following principles?\nChoices:\nA.) Universities should take aggressive legal action to protect their intellectual property.\nB.) The inventor of a biological material should not be allowed to charge fees that would prevent its use in basic research.\nC.) Academic researchers should take measures to prevent their competitors from gaining access to materials they have created.\nD.) Funding for scientific research projects should depend at least in part on the commercial potential of those projects.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: According to the passage, why do university researchers increasingly believe that patents should be granted for commercially promising biotechnology discoveries?\nChoices:\nA.) Researchers' prospects for academic advancement depend on both the quality and the quantity of their research.\nB.) Most researchers prefer a competitive model of scientific research to a communal model.\nC.) Researchers' funding is often contingent on whether they can produce a patentable product.\nD.) Researchers increasingly believe their intellectual labor is being unfairly exploited by universities that partner with for-profit corporations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: With which one of the following statements would the author be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) The cost of patent litigation is an effective check on patent holders who might otherwise try to prevent researchers engaged in basic research from using patented materials.\nB.) Corporate patent holders typically charge excessive fees for the right to conduct research involving their patented materials.\nC.) Scientists who oppose the idea of patenting biotechnology do so because their work is not sufficiently innovative to qualify for patent protection.\nD.) Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions rely too heavily on funding that is partially contingent on the patentability of their results.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The author refers. to the early days of biotechnology (line 38) primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) express nostalgia for a time when biotechnology research was untainted by commercial motives\nB.) provide a historical justification for opposition to biotechnology patents\nC.) establish that present competitive practices in biotechnology research are not entirely unprecedented\nD.) furnish a brief account of the evolution of academic biotechnology research\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: The passage provides the strongest support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Rapid commercialization in the field of biotechnology has led to a dearth of highly educated biologists willing to teach in academic institutions.\nB.) Suing for patent infringement is not the only way in which patent holders can assert legal control over the use of their patented materials.\nC.) Biotechnology researchers who work in academic institutions and oppose biotechnology patents are generally unable to obtain funding for their work.\nD.) Policy makers are no less likely than academic researchers to favor new restrictions on biotechnology patents.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.\nQ: Suppose a university researcher wants to conduct basic, noncommercial research involving cell lines patented by a for-profit biotechnology corporation. The author would be most likely to make which one of the following predictions about the researcher's prospects?\nChoices:\nA.) The corporation will probably offer to fund the research if granted exclusive rights to any resulting marketable product.\nB.) The researcher has a good chance of not being held liable for patent infringement if she conducts the research and is subsequently sued.\nC.) The researcher will probably be unable to use the cell lines because the corporation holding the patent will demand a prohibitively high payment for their use.\nD.) The university that employs the researcher will likely prohibit the research in an effort to avoid being sued by the corporation holding the patent.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) For the Haudenosaune, wampum did not originally serve as a form of money but as an evolving form of communication that, through the use of colors and symbols, conveyed information and that eventually encoded the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution.\nB.) There is substantial evidence that the Haudenosaune's use of wampum as a medium of communication based on color combinations had its origin in the political events surrounding the establishment of the Haudenosaune Confederacy.\nC.) Because of the role played by wampum in relations between the Haudenosaune and Europeans, many historians have overlooked the communicative role that bead combinations played in Haudenosaune culture prior to contact with Europeans.\nD.) The Haudenosaune's use of wampum originated with combinations of strings of beads with religious significance, but the need for communication between nations led to more complex uses of wampum including the transmission of political messages.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The fishing practice mentioned in the second paragraph is offered primarily as an instance of\nChoices:\nA.) a traditional practice that reflects a stage in the evolution of wampum's uses\nB.) a traditional practice that was altered by contact with Europeans\nC.) an activity that was regulated by the laws of the Haudenosaune Confederacy\nD.) a type of knowledge that was encoded and passed on through the use of wampum\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The last paragraph of the passage serves primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) outline the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution as it was encoded using wampum\nB.) detail how wampum belts evolved from other forms of wampum\nC.) distinguish between wampum belts and less complex forms of string wampum\nD.) illustrate how wampum functioned as a system of symbolic representation\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Because the associations with certain colors shifted over time, the same color beads acquired different meanings on belt wampum as opposed to string wampum.\nB.) Even if the evolution of wampum had not been altered by the arrival of Europeans, wampum would likely have become a form of currency because of its compactness.\nC.) The ancient associations of colors with spirits were important precursors to, and foundations of, later wampum representations that did not depend directly on these associations for their meaning.\nD.) If the Europeans who first began trading with the Haudenosaune had been aware that wampum was used as a means of communication, they would not have used wampum as a medium of exchange.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for inferring which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) Prior to Haudenosaune contact with Europeans,wampum served primarily as a means of promulgating official edicts and policies of the Haudenosaune Confederacy.\nB.) Wampum was probably used on occasion as a medium of economic exchange long before the Haudenosaune had contact with Europeans.\nC.) Once wampum came to be used as currency intrade with Europeans, the constitution of the Haudenosaune Confederacy had to be recodified using other methods of representation.\nD.) The formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacycalled for a more complex method of communication than wampum as used until then had provided.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The Europeans who first came in contact with the Haudenosaune insisted on using wampum as a form of currency in spite of their awareness of its true significance.\nB.) Present day interpretations of the significance of some of the symbols used in wampum belts are not conclusive.\nC.) There is evidence that Europeans who came incontact with the Haudenosaune adopted some long-standing Haudenosaune uses of wampum.\nD.) A long-term peaceful association among the groups that formed the Haudenosaune Confederacy was an important precondition for the use of wampum as a means of communication.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following is a central topic of both passages ?\nChoices:\nA.) the proper technique for confirming a scientific theory\nB.) the role of negative evidence in scientific research\nC.) the role of auxiliary assumptions in predicting planetary orbits\nD.) the irrelevance of experimentation for disproving a scientific theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following is mentioned in passage A and illustrated in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) disproving a theory\nB.) predicting a planet's orbit\nC.) repudiating an experimental result\nD.) theories that are not testable by experiment\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In passage B, which one of the following most clearly illustrates a disturbing force, as described in passage A (line 26)?\nChoices:\nA.) the moon\nB.) the sun\nC.) Neptune\nD.) Uranus\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In saying that Popper gives a certain idea \"hyperbolic application\" (line 7), the author of passage A means to suggest that Popper\nChoices:\nA.) underestimates the significance of the idea\nB.) draws too radical a conclusion from the idea\nC.) exaggerates the idea's relevance to a particular theory\nD.) commits a logical fallacy in reasoning about the idea\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: The author of passage A would be most likely to take which one of the following results mentioned in passage B as support for the claim made in the last sentence of passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) the success of Einstein's general theory of relativity at predicting Mercury's orbit\nB.) the ultimate failure of Newton's laws to correctly predict Mercury's orbit\nC.) the failure to find Vulcan\nD.) the initial failure of Newton's laws to correctly predict Uranus's orbit\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: In passage B's description of the developments leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity, which one of the following astronomical bodies plays a role most analogous to the black swan discussed in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) the sun\nB.) Venus\nC.) Uranus\nD.) Mercury\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would be likely to be most skeptical of which one of the following ideas mentioned in passage A?\nChoices:\nA.) Auxiliary premises are usually needed in order to derive predictions from a scientific theory.\nB.) Scientific research involves generating bold theories and attempting to refute them.\nC.) Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science concerned the power of negative evidence.\nD.) Positive evidence plays no role in supporting a theory.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional \"auxiliary\" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.\nQ: Which one of the following scientific episodes is most analogous to the discovery of Neptune, as that episode is described in passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) By observing \"variable stars\" —stars that vary in brightness—in Andromeda, Edwin Hubble discovered that Andromeda is actually a galaxy in its own right. This enabled him to settle the debate about whether the Milky Way constitutes the entirety of the universe.\nB.) Walter Alvarez postulated that an asteroid impact caused the extinction of the dinosaurs. He based this on observing high levels of the mineral iridium in certain rock core samples. Later evidence of a large impact crater was discovered in the Yucatan Peninsula that dates to the time of the dinosaur extinction.\nC.) When a neutron decays into a proton and an electron, the combined energies of the two particles is less than the energy of the original neutron, in apparent contradiction of the law of conservation of energy. Wolfgang Pauli postulated that a third undetected particle is also created during the decay. The particle's existence was later confirmed.\nD.) Galileo proposed that ocean tides are the result of Earth's motion in its orbit around the sun. But Galileo's theory of tides falsely predicted that there is only one high tide per day, when in fact there are two.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The author of passage B suggests that some laws justify the use of jury nullification because they are too\nChoices:\nA.) complicated\nB.) general\nC.) intrusive\nD.) permissive\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The authors of the passages differ in their attitudes towards juries in that the author of passage B is\nChoices:\nA.) more confident in the ability of juries to exercise the power to nullify in a just manner\nB.) less skeptical of the capacity of juries to understand the laws they are expected to apply\nC.) more disappointed in the failure of juries to use the power to nullify to effect social change\nD.) more concerned about the fact that juries rarely provide the reasoning behind their verdicts\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Based on what can be inferred from their titles, the relationship between the documents in which one of the following pairs Js most ,analogpus to the relationship between passage A and passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) Why Cameras Should Be Banned from the Courtroom \"The Inevitability of Televised Courtroom Proceedings\"\nB.) Cameras in the Courtroom: Three Central Issues in the Debate \"The Unexpected Benefits of Permitting Cameras in Court\"\nC.) Cameras in the Courtroom: A Perversion of Justice? \"The Pros and Cons of Televising Courtroom regard as trivial.Proceedings\"\nD.) The Inherent Dangers of Permitting Cameras in Court \"How Televising Courtroom Proceedings Can Assist the Law\"\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: The authors of the passages would be most likely to disagree over whether\nChoices:\nA.) it is within the purview of juries not only to apply the law but to interpret it\nB.) it is likely that elected officials are more biased in their decision making than jurors are\nC.) juries should be more forthcoming about the reasoning behind their verdicts\nD.) laws are subject to scrutiny and debate by reasonable people\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Which one of the following is a criticism that the author of passage A would be likely to offer regarding the suggestion in passage B that juries are justified in nullifying when they view a case as too trivial to result in a conviction?\nChoices:\nA.) Jurors may not be aware of all the reasons why a case was brought against a defendant.\nB.) Prosecutors rarely bring cases to trial that they regard as trivial.\nC.) The members of a jury are unlikely to be in accord in their evaluation of a case's seriousness\nD.) Jurors may not have sufficient expertise to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of a case.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Jury nullification occurs when the jury acquits the defendant in a criminal case in disregard of the judge's instructions and contrary to the jury's findings of fact. Sometimes a jury's nullification decision is based on mercy for the defendant, sometimes on dislike for the victim. Juries have also sometimes nullified when the defendant engaged in civil disobedience and the jurors agreed with the actions. While instances of jury nullification are probably few, the problems created by the jury's power to nullify are great. First, we do not know how the power is used. Because juries are not required to and typically do not explain their verdicts, it is impossible to say how often nullification occurs. This means that we also do not know how often juries use this power for evil ends rather than for good ones. Second, juries often have insufficient evidence to make a reasoned nullification decision. Evidence that might inform such a decision, such as a defendant's past brushes with the law, usually is not admitted at trial because it is irrelevant to the technical question of guilt or innocence. Third, jurors are not legislators. We have an elected legislature to pass laws and elected or appointed judges to interpret them. The jury is unelected, is unaccountable, and has no obligation to think through the effect an acquittal will have on others. Reasonable people can disagree on the proper reach of the criminal laws. Nevertheless, the place for them to disagree is in public, where the reasons for revisions of the laws can be scrutinized and debated. Passage B Police and prosecutors have discretion to decide which violations of the law to pursue and which to overlook. Even with such discretion, however, these officials can sometimes be overzealous. In such cases, the jury can act as a safety valve and use its own discretion to decide, for example, that a case is too trivial or the circumstances too extenuating for the case to result in a conviction. When a jury nullifies because it does not believe a law should be applied to a particular defendant, the jury can also be viewed as assisting the legislature. Legislatures create general laws both because they cannot foresee every variation that may arise, and because legislators often have competing views about what should be included in legislation. and.so must settle for broad language if any laws are to be passed. Similarly, when a jury nullifies because it believes a law is unjust, it also performs a useful function vis-a-vis the legislature, namely indicating to the legislature that there may be a problem with the law in question.It may happen that a jury will be persuaded to nullify by factors they should ignore, but such instances of nullification are likely to be uncommon. For a jury to agree to nullify means that the case for nullification must be so compelling that all twelve of the jurors, despite their different backgrounds and perspectives, nevertheless agree that nullification is the appropriate course of action.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately characterizes the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage A denounces a judicial custom,while passage B proposes improvements to that custom.\nB.) Passage A surveys a range of evidence about jury behavior, while passage B suggests a hypothesis to explain that behavior.\nC.) Passage A offers a critique of a power possessed by juries, while passage B argues in support of that power.\nD.) Passage A argues that a problem facting legal systems is intractable, while passage B presents a solution to that problem.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Sociohistorical interpretations of art that claim that art merely reflects the ideals and values of the elite classes are overly simplistic.\nB.) There have historically been two distinct ways in which members of the elite classes have had art produced for them.\nC.) Sociohistorical critics must engage in a form of Freudian analysis to justify, in light of apparently conflicting evidence, the claim that works of art embody the ideals of the elite.\nD.) Historically, patrons of the arts have generally been more interested in what being a patron would do for their reputation than in influencing the development of the arts.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: In using the phrase \"something for display\" (lines 12-13),the author most probably means art that\nChoices:\nA.) could be used to attract customers to the patron's business\nB.) was meant to create an impression that reflected positively on the patron\nC.) provided .the patron with personal satisfaction\nD.) was representative of the artist's broader body of work at the time\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: It can be inferred from the passage that the attitude of Matthew Arnold toward the aristocratic and middle classes can best be described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) scorn\nB.) empathy\nC.) respect\nD.) disappointment\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage raises all of the following as complications for the sociohistorical interpretation of art EXCEPT:\nChoices:\nA.) artists who subverted the ideals of patrons for reasons of their own\nB.) patrons whose taste was unlikely to produce art that endured\nC.) patrons who bought artwork solely for the purpose of reselling that artwork for a profit\nD.) patrons who unwillingly bought artwork that conflicted with their values\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage suggests that Taruskin's position commits him to which one of the following views?\nChoices:\nA.) Typically, art that reflects the ideology of the elite is produced by artists who are themselves members of the aristocratic or middle classes.\nB.) The most talented artists throughout history have been those whose work embodied the ideology of the elite in hidden ways.\nC.) The most successful artists working today are those whose work reflects the ideology of the elite.\nD.) If it endures, high art that appears to undermine the ideology of the elite actually supports that ideology in some way.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The primary function of the third paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) present an argument that weakens the argument made in the second paragraph\nB.) draw a definitive conclusion from the claims made in the second paragraph\nC.) reject a possible response to the argument made in the first paragraph\nD.) identify assumptions relied upon by a type of analysis referred to in the first paragraph\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The author mentions \"Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartments\" (lines 18-19) for which one of the following reasons?\nChoices:\nA.) to show how an artist can subvert the ideals of the patron\nB.) to illustrate the influence of religion on the historical development of art\nC.) to provide an example that illustrates the understanding of elitism in art favored by sociohistorical critics\nD.) to present an example of the most common type of relationship between a patron and an artist\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of \"high art\" is that \"it is produced by and for political and social elites.\" What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was \"produced by and for political and social elites.\" The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.\nQ: The passage suggests that Matthew Arnold would be most likely to identify which one of the following as the primary reason why, historically, people in the middle class became patrons of the arts?\nChoices:\nA.) a belief that patronage would ultimately prove profitable\nB.) a desire to establish a reputation as a patron of the arts\nC.) a belief in the importance of the arts to society as a whole\nD.) a dislike for the kind of art typically sponsored by the aristocracy\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens discovered in modem Iraq have provided Schmandt-Besserat with the evidence required to resolve the puzzlement of archaeologists over the sudden appearance of sophisticated crafts.\nB.) The discovery of clay tablets bearing inscriptions representing the tokens they contain confirms the belief of Schmandt-Besserat that these tokens served to designate the products given by villagers to their temples.\nC.) The discovery Of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing small tokens confirms Schmandt-Besserat's hypothesis that a language becomes increasingly abstract as the arts and crafts of the people who use the language become more abstract.\nD.) Based on her analysis of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens dating to roughly 4000 B.C., Schmandt-Besserat concludes ,that this system of tokens eventually evolved into an abstract written language??\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: With which one of the following statements about the society in which the clay tokens were used would Schmandt-Besserat be most-likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) Society members regarded whatever was produced by any individual as the common property of all.\nB.) Religious rituals were probably less important to the society's members than agriculture and trade were.\nC.) The society eventually came to regard the clay tokens as redundant.\nD.) Without a readily available supply of raw clay, the society could not have developed a system of representation that used tokens\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: The passage stat es that the writing on clay tablets found in Uruk\nChoices:\nA.) used relatively few pictographic symbols\nB.) eventually evolved into a more abstract and flexible linguistic system\nC.) transcribed a language that was much older than archaeologists would have expected\nD.) was not deciphered by archaeologists until 1992\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: According to the passage, the token system\nChoices:\nA.) could be understood only because some tokens were inscribed with symbols known to represent agricultural products\nB.) became physically unwieldy and cumbersome as it s users agricultural products became more diverse\nC.) was originally thought by most archaeologists to have had a primarily religious function\nD.) came to designate a broad range of objects as the crafts of the people who used it became more diverse and sophisticated\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: By characterizing certain cuneiform inscriptions on the clay tablets found in Uruk as \"abstract\" (line 10) the author most likely means that\nChoices:\nA.) the inscriptions do not resemble what they designate\nB.) the inscriptions refer to general categories rather than specific things\nC.) the terms represented by the inscriptions were more ceremonial in nature than most daily speech was\nD.) the meaning of the inscriptions is obscure and hard for linguists to decipher\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: It can be inferred from the discussion of clay tokens in the second paragraph that\nChoices:\nA.) there were many tokens that designated more than one type of item\nB.) nonagricultural goods and products came to be preferred as contributions to temple-based pools\nC.) the token system was as abstract and flexible as later written languages\nD.) some later tokens were less abstract than some earlier ones\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: With which one of the following statements regarding the sign for \"sheep\" (line 6) would the author of the passage be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) The abstract nature of the sign reveals a great deal ab out the political life of the people who used the language expressed by uniform writing.\nB.) It could have been replaced without loss of significance by any other sign that was not already being used for something else.\nC.) The way in which it represent s it s meaning was not the subj ect of scientific scrutiny prior to that given it by Schmandt-Besserat.\nD.) The way in which it represent s it s meaning resulted from the fact that sheep are an agricultural commodity rather than a product of human industry.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for \"sheep,\" for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for \"metal\" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most call into question Schmandt-Besserat's theory mentioned in lines 28-33developed?\nChoices:\nA.) It was customary for villagers who performed services for another person to receive in return a record of a promise of agricultural products or crafted objects as compensation.\nB.) Villagers were required not only to contribute goods to central pools but also to contribute labor, which was regularly accounted for.\nC.) The more than 100 clay envelopes discovered at archaeological sites along the Jordan come in many different dimensions, thicknesses, and styles of composition.\nD.) There is no archaeological evidence suggesting that the tokens in use from ab out 4000 B.C. to 3100 B.C. were necessarily meant to be placed in clay envelopes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: The information in the passage most helps to answer a which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) What was the estimated concentration of CFCs in the atmosphere in 1 987?\nB.) Does .any chemical that does not contain chlorine contribute to the destruction of ozone molecules?\nC.) In what year did Molina testify before the U.S. Congress?\nD.) Which constituent element of CFCs is most damaging to ozone?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the conclusions of Molina and Rowland concerning the long-term effects of CFCs in the stratosphere?\nChoices:\nA.) Ozone has been shown to react more violently with chlorine than with many other chemicals.\nB.) Current CFC levels in the troposphere suggest that not all nations currently abide by the Montreal Protocol.\nC.) The hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica continued to grow for years after CFC emissions had almost ceased.\nD.) Many scientists who in the 1 970s were highly critical of the research methods of Molina and Rowland have come to accept the soundness of their methods.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the information in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Skin cancers occur primarily because of excessive absorption of ultraviolet light.\nB.) Little or no ozone destruction occurs naturally in the stratosphere unless chlorine is present.\nC.) The upward flow of CFCs into the stratosphere occurs mainly in Antarctica.\nD.) Regulating the use of CFCs contributes indirectly to lowering the incidence of skin cancer.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Based on the passage, the information yielded by which one of the following experiments would be most useful in determining whether a particular chemical could replace CFCs without damaging the ozone layer?\nChoices:\nA.) testing to see whether the chemical is capable of reacting with forms of oxygen other than ozone\nB.) testing to see what chemical properties the chemical or its constituent elements share with chlorine\nC.) testing to see whether the chemical,when released into the lower atmosphere, would react with other chemicals commonly found there\nD.) testing the chemical to determine whether it would chemically react with chlorine\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the information in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Refrigerant chemicals developed as substitutes for CFCs after 1987 release fewer chlorine atoms into the stratosphere than CFCs do.\nB.) The Montreal Protocol led to the cessation of CFC production in North America.\nC.) CFCs were originally used in refrigeration components because they provided the most energy-efficient means of refrigeration\nD.) No refrigerant chemicals other than CFCs had been discovered when Molina and Rowland suggested that CFC production cease.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: According to the passage, Rawls uses which one of the following devices to explain his theory?\nChoices:\nA.) an empirical study of social institutions\nB.) a thought experiment\nC.) a deduction from a few basic principles\nD.) a process of elimination\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The purpose of the question in lines 6-8 is to\nChoices:\nA.) establish that utilitarianism must be true\nB.) suggest the intuitive appeal of utilitarianism\nC.) characterize utilitarianism as internally contradictory\nD.) point out an implausible feature of utilitarianism\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The author's primary purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) show why a once-dominant theory was abandoned\nB.) sketch the historical development of acelebrated theory\nC.) argue for the truth of a controversial theory\nD.) describe the novel way in which a theory addresses a problem\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: With which one of the following statements would both Rawls and the author of the passage be most likely to agree?\nChoices:\nA.) There are situations in which it is permissible to treat the fulfillment of one person's preferences as more important than the fulfillment of the majority's preferences.\nB.) It is fair to sacrifice the individual's interests if doing so will maximize the satisfaction of the majority.\nC.) If an individual lacks a good, society must sometimes provide that good, even if this means taking it from others.\nD.) Unless individuals set aside their ownself-interest, they cannot make fair judgments about the distribution of goods.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: The author's stance toward Rawls's theory is most accurately described as one of\nChoices:\nA.) enthusiasm for its aims mingled with doubts about its practicality\nB.) sympathy with its recommendations tempered with skepticism about its cogency\nC.) disdain for its pretensions camouflaged by declarations of respect for its author\nD.) admiration for its ingenuity coupled with misgivings about some of its implications\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: To understand John Rawls's theory of justice, one first needs to grasp what he was reacting against. The dominant approach in pre-Rawls political philosophy was utilitarianism, which emphasized maximizing the fulfillment of peopled preferences. At first sight, utilitarianism seems plausible-what else should we do but try to achieve the most satisfaction possible for the greatest number of people?-but the theory has some odd consequences. Suppose executing an innocent person will appease a mob, and that doing so will therefore increase total satisfaction. Incredibly, a utilitarian would have to endorse the execution. Rawls accordingly complains that, in the utilitarian view, there is no reason \"why the violation of the liberty of a few might not be made right by the greater good shared by many.\" If we reject utilitarianism and its view about the aim of the good life, how can we know what justice requires? Rawls offers an ingenious answer. He asserts that even if people do not agree on the aim of the good life, they can accept a fair procedure for settling what the principles of justice should be. This is key to Rawls's theory: Whatever arises from a fair procedure is just. But what is a fair procedure? Rawls again has a clever approach, beginning with his famous veil of ignorance. Suppose five children have to divide a cake among themselves. One child cuts the cake but does not know who will get which shares. The child is likely to divide the cake into equal shares to avoid the possibility of receiving the smallest share, an arrangement that the others will also admit to be fair. By denying the child information that would bias the result, a fair outcome can be achieved. Rawls generalizes the point of this example of the veil of ignorance. His thought experiment features a situation, which he calls the original position, in which people are self-interested but do not know their own station in life, abilities, tastes, or even gender. Under the limits of this ignorance, individuals motivated by self-interest endeavor to arrive at a solution in which they will not lose, because nobody loses. The result will be a just arrangement. Rawls thinks that people, regardless of their plan of life,want certain \"primary goods.\" These include rights and liberties, powers and opportunities, and income and wealth. Without these primary goods, people cannot accomplish their goals, whatever they may be. Hence, any individual in the original position will agree that everyone should get at least a minimum amount of these primary goods. Unfortunately, this is an inherently redistributionist idea, since the primary goods are not natural properties of human beings. If someone lacks a primary good, it must be provided, at the expense of others if necessary.\nQ: Which one of the following would, if true, most call into question the claim in lines 49-51 of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) People tend to overestimate the resources available for distribution and to underestimate their own needs.\nB.) Most people value the fulfillment of their own preferences over the fulfillment of the preferences of strangers.\nC.) Some people would be willing to risk acomplete loss of one primary good for the chance of obtaining an enormous amount of another primary good.\nD.) Few people believe that they would be satisfied with only a minimum amount of primary goods.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Although the Great Migration was initially triggered by the income differential between the North and South, other factors must be cited in order to explain its duration over several decades\nB.) Approximately 40 percent of the African American population left the Southern U.S. between 1915 and 1960-an event historians refer to as the Great Migration.\nC.) In migration movements, earlier migrants reduce the physical costs of moving and provide a cultural and linguistic cushion for later migrants.\nD.) Because earlier migrants helped defray the financial costs of migration for later migrants, African American migration to the Nortii accelerated at a time when income differences were narrowing.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: According to the passage, the Great Migration did not start earlier than 1915 because\nChoices:\nA.) the cost of living in the North was prohibitively high before World War I\nB.) the income gap between the North and South was not large enough to induce people to migrate\nC.) agricultural jobs in the South paid very well before the boll weevil infestation\nD.) previous migration had yet to develop sufficient momentum to induce further migration\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The third and fourth paragraphs of the passage function primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) answer a question raised in the second paragraph about a historical event\nB.) provide additional evidence for historical claims made in the first paragraph\nC.) survey the repercussions of a historical event described in the first two paragraphs\nD.) cast doubt upon a historical explanation presented in the first paragraph\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The authors of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) A complete explanation of the Great Migration must begin with an account of what triggered nineteenth-century migrations to the North.\nB.) Expected financial gains alone may not be are liable indicator of the likelihood that an individual will migrate.\nC.) The Great Migration is not parallel in its broadest patterns to most other known migration movements.\nD.) Most large-scale migrations can be adequately explained in terms of the movement of people from lower- to higher-income regions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The primary purpose of the last sentence of the second paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) present a fact about the Great Migration that the authors seek to explain\nB.) indicate why previous research on the Great Migration has been misguided\nC.) extend the authors' explanation of the causes of the Great Migration to include later events\nD.) challenge the traditional view that Northern wages were higher than Southern wages prior to 1915\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: The passage provides the most support for which one of the following statements?\nChoices:\nA.) The overall cost of migrating from the South to the North in the twentieth century was lower for the earliest migrants because there were more of the highest-paying jobs available for them to choose from.\nB.) The North-South income gap increased around 1915 because of the increase in demand for labor in the North and the decrease in demand for labor in the South.\nC.) Most migrants in the Great Migration made at least one trip back to the South to provide help and information to other people who were considering migrating as well.\nD.) The highest-paying agricultural jobs in the South prior to 1915 did not pay more than the lowest-paying manufacturing jobs in the North.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.\nQ: Which one of the following, if true, would provide the most support for the authors! analysis of the Great Migration?\nChoices:\nA.) The average amount of time it took new migrants to find employment in the North grew at a steady rate between 1915 and 1960.\nB.) There was a large-scale reverse migration of African Americans back to Southern locations later in the twentieth century.\nC.) In general, communities of African Americans in the North consisted largely of individuals who shared a common geographic place of origin in the South.\nD.) Housing prices in the North fluctuated between high and low extremes from 1915 to 1960, while housing prices in the South remained relatively constant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Both passages are primarily concerned with answering which one of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) What is the best means of regulatinginsider trading?\nB.) Should there be severer penalties for insider trading?\nC.) Is insider trading harmful to the stock market?\nD.) How is insider trading defined?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: In their attitudes toward stock trades based on inside information, the author of passage A and the author of passage B,respectively, may be most accurately described as\nChoices:\nA.) neutral and negative\nB.) neutral and neutral\nC.) negative and negative\nD.) positive and negative\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: The authors would be most likely to agree that\nChoices:\nA.) insider nontrading should be regulated to the same extent as insider trading\nB.) it is appropriate for investors to seek to gain an advantage by superior stock analysis\nC.) insider trading tends to undermine investor confidence in the stock market\nD.) all information should be available to all market participants at the same time\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Which one of the following laws would conform most closely to the position articulated by the author of passage A but not that articulated by the author of passage B?\nChoices:\nA.) a law that prohibits trading that could reasonably be expected to undermine investors' confidence in the stock market\nB.) a law that legalizes selling based on inside information that a stock's price ought to be dropping but prohibits buying based on inside information that it should be rising\nC.) a law that permits trading based on information gained from analysis of a stock but prohibits trading based on information obtained from one's position within a company\nD.) a law that legalizes trading based on inside information, as long as that information is not acquired by theft or other unlawful means\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: Passage A, unlike passage B, seeks to advance its argument by\nChoices:\nA.) applying general principles to particular examples\nB.) showing how a specific activity relates to a larger context\nC.) examining the motivations of an activity's participants\nD.) pointing out similarities between a controversial activity and uncontroversial ones\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage A Insider-trading law makes it a crime to make stock transactions, or help others make stock transactions, based on information you have ahead of the general public because of your special position within a company. However, trading based on information you have that everyone else doesn't-isn't this part of the very definition of a functioning stock market? The entire field of stock brokering is based on people gaining knowledge that others don't have and then using it to profit themselves or their clients. If you analyze a stock, decide that it is overvalued, and sell it, you are taking advantage of knowledge that many others don?t have. That doesn't make you a criminal; it means you've done your homework. Stock markets work best when all the relevant information about a company is spread as widely as possible, as quickly as possible. Stock prices represent a constantly shifting amalgamation of everyone's information about and evaluations of a company's value. It helps when those who have accurate information about changing circumstances are permitted to act so that stock prices reflect them. Someone selling a stock because they know something will happen soon that will lower the stock's value helps spread the knowledge that the price ought to be dropping. Such actions help ensure that stock prices do reflect a more accurate assessment of all the relevant facts. That's good for everyone in the stock market. When contemplating insider-trading law, it helps to consider a far more widespread practice: \"insider nontrading\"-stock sales or purchases that would have been made, but aren't because of inside knowledge. This is certainly happening every day, and rightfully so. No one would think to lock someone up for it. Passage B One of the basic principles of the stock market is transparency. In a transparent market, information that influences trading decisions is available to all participants at the same time. Success in the market can then be gained only by skill in analyzing the information and making good investing decisions. In a transparent stock market-everyone has the same chance of making a good investment, and success is based on individual merit and skill. In insider-trading situations, some people make investment decisions based on information that other people don't have. People who don't have access to the inside information can make similarly informed investment decisions. That unfairly compromises the market: people with inside information can make informed trade decisions far before everyone else, making it difficult or impossible for other people to earn money in the stock market. This, in turn, causes a loss of investor confidence and could ultimately destroy the market. People invest in the stock market because they believe they can make money. The whole point of capital investments is to make good investing decisions and make money over time. If investors believe they can't make money, they won't invest. Undermining investor confidence would thus deny companies access to the funds they need to grow and be successful, and it could ultimately lead to widespread financial repercussions.\nQ: The passages' references to the analysis of information about stocks (lines 11-14, lines 40-42) are related in which one of the following ways?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage A presents it as comparable to the acquisition of inside information, whereas passage B contrasts it with the acquisition of inside information.\nB.) Passage A treats it as an option available only to brokers and other stock-market professionals, whereas passage B treats it as an option available to ordinary investors as well.\nC.) Passage A presents it as unnecessary, since all relevant information is already reflected in stock prices, whereas passage B presents it as necessary for making sound investment decisions.\nD.) Passage A presents it as an activity that gives some investors an unfair advantage over others, whereas passage B presents it as an activity that increases the transparency of the market.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) In spite of troubling conceptual problems surrounding brain scan technology, its use in psychological research on mental activity has grown rapidly.\nB.) The modular theory of mind has gained wide currency precisely because it is illustrated effectively by the images produced by the subtractive method.\nC.) The use of brain scans to depict mental activity relies on both a questionable premise and a misleading methodological approach.\nD.) Although the FMRI is usually interpreted as a measure of metabolic activity in the brain, this interpretation is misguided and therefore leads to false results.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: According to the modular theory of mind, as described in the passage, mental activity\nChoices:\nA.) generally involves some sort of reason-giving\nB.) is localized in the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex\nC.) consists of distinct components in localized areas of the brain\nD.) involves physical processes over which people have only limited control\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements regarding the subtractive method?\nChoices:\nA.) The subtractive method results in images that strongly support Uttal's view that mental processes are simply properties of a more general mental activity.\nB.) The subtractive method seems to strongly support the modular theory of mind because it creates an illusion that brain functions are localized.\nC.) Because the subtractive method masks distributed brain functions, empirical results derived using the method are invalid for medical applications.\nD.) The view that the subtractive method depicts differential rates of oxygen use in the brain is based on a fundamental misconception of the method.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: A central fiction of the final paragraph of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest that the position articulated in the first paragraph needs to be modified to accommodate the results outlined in the third paragraph\nB.) show why the type of empirical evidence discussed in the third paragraph does not defeat the argument presented in the second paragraph\nC.) argue that the empirical research outlined in the third paragraph points to the inadequacy of the competing views described in the first two paragraphs\nD.) contend that the research method detailed in the third paragraph relies upon an outdated theoretical model described in the second paragraph\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: The author draws an analogy between brain scans and X-rays primarily in order to\nChoices:\nA.) show how brain scan technology evolved from older technologies such as X-rays\nB.) contrast a valid use of brain scans with one of more doubtful value\nC.) argue that X-ray images undermine a theory that brain scans are often used to support\nD.) suggest that new technology can influence the popularity of a scientific theory\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: According to the passage, psychologist William Uttal contends that the various mental processes are likely to be\nChoices:\nA.) generally uniform in their rates of oxygen use\nB.) features of a general mental activity that is spread throughout the brain\nC.) detectable using brain scans enhanced by means of the subtractive method\nD.) independent modules that are based in different areas of the brain\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that \"light up,\" in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?\nQ: Which one of the following statements is most strongly supported by the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) During the performance of certain cognitive tasks, the areas of the brain that are most metabolically active show a rate of oxygen use that is higher than that of the rest of the brain.\nB.) The baseline measurements of oxygen use taken for use in the subtractive method show that some regions of the brain have high metabolic activity at all times,\nC.) When a brain scan subject experiences anger,the subtractive method shows several regions of the brain as \"lit up\" with metabolic activity.\nD.) Although there are important exceptions, most cognition does in fact depend on independent modules located in specific regions of the brain.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} diff --git a/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl b/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl index c62b0cf3d6..52db9fd1d3 100644 --- a/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl +++ b/scripts/eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl @@ -1,206 +1,206 @@ -{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which choice best describes what happens in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) One character receives a surprising request from another character.\nB.) One character argues with another character who intrudes on her home.\nC.) One character reminisces about choices she has made over the years.\nD.) One character criticizes another character for pursuing an unexpected course of action.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which choice best describes the developmental pattern of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A careful analysis of a traditional practice\nB.) A detailed depiction of a meaningful encounter\nC.) A cheerful recounting of an amusing anecdote\nD.) A definitive response to a series of questions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which reaction does Akira most fear from Chie?\nChoices:\nA.) She will underestimate the sincerity of his emotions\nB.) She will consider his unscheduled visit an imposition.\nC.) She will consider his proposal inappropriate.\nD.) She will mistake his earnestness for immaturity.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: In the passage, Akira addresses Chie with\nChoices:\nA.) objectivity but not complete impartiality.\nB.) amusement but not mocking disparagement.\nC.) affection but not genuine love.\nD.) respect but not utter deference.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: The main purpose of the first paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) question a suggestion.\nB.) criticize a tradition.\nC.) describe a culture.\nD.) analyze a reaction.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: The authors' main purpose of including the information about $\\mathrm{X}$-ray evidence and density is to\nChoices:\nA.) establish that DNA is the molecule that carries the genetic information.\nB.) present an alternate hypothesis about the composition of a nucleotide.\nC.) provide support for the authors' claim about the number of chains in a molecule of DNA.\nD.) confirm the relationship between the density of DNA and the known chemical formula of DNA.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: Based on the table and passage, which choice gives the correct percentages of the purines in yeast DNA?\nChoices:\nA.) $17.1 \\%$ and $18.7 \\%$\nB.) $31.3 \\%$ and $32.9 \\%$\nC.) $17.1 \\%$ and $32.9 \\%$\nD.) $18.7 \\%$ and $31.3 \\%$\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: Do the data in the table support the authors' proposed pairing of bases in DNA?\nChoices:\nA.) Yes, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of guanine, and the percentage of cytosine is closest to the percentage of thymine.\nB.) No, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of thymine, and the percentage of guanine is closest to the percentage of cytosine.\nC.) Yes, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of thymine, and the percentage of guanine is closest to the percentage of cytosine.\nD.) No, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of guanine, and the percentage of cytosine is closest to the percentage of thymine. 30\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: According to the table, which of the following pairs of base percentages in sea urchin DNA provides evidence in support of the answer to the previous question?\nChoices:\nA.) $17.3 \\%$ and $17.7 \\%$\nB.) $17.3 \\%$ and $32.8 \\%$\nC.) $17.7 \\%$ and $32.8 \\%$\nD.) $17.3 \\%$ and $32.1 \\%$\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) highlight the severity of social divisions.\nB.) emphasize the value of a tradition.\nC.) stress the urgency of an issue.\nD.) question the feasibility of an undertaking\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: The central claim of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) the entry of educated women into positions of power traditionally held by men will transform those positions.\nB.) educated women face a decision about how to engage with existing institutions.\nC.) women can have positions of influence in English society only if they give up some of their traditional roles.\nD.) the male monopoly on power in English society has had grave and continuing effects.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which choice best describes what happens in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) One character reminisces about choices she has made over the years.\nB.) One character receives a surprising request from another character.\nC.) One character criticizes another character for pursuing an unexpected course of action.\nD.) One character argues with another character who intrudes on her home.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which choice best describes the developmental pattern of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A cheerful recounting of an amusing anecdote\nB.) A definitive response to a series of questions\nC.) A detailed depiction of a meaningful encounter\nD.) A careful analysis of a traditional practice\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: Which reaction does Akira most fear from Chie?\nChoices:\nA.) She will consider his unscheduled visit an imposition.\nB.) She will underestimate the sincerity of his emotions\nC.) She will mistake his earnestness for immaturity.\nD.) She will consider his proposal inappropriate.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: In the passage, Akira addresses Chie with\nChoices:\nA.) amusement but not mocking disparagement.\nB.) respect but not utter deference.\nC.) objectivity but not complete impartiality.\nD.) affection but not genuine love.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Akira came directly, breaking all tradition. Was that it? Had he followed form-had he asked his mother to speak to his father to approach a go-between-would Chie have been more receptive?He came on a winter's eve. He pounded on the door while a cold rain beat on the shuttered veranda, so at first Chie thought him only the wind. The maid knew better. Chie heard her soft scuttling footsteps, the creak of the door. Then the maid brought acalling card to the drawing room, for Chie.Chie was reluctant to go to her guest; perhaps she was feeling too cozy. She and Naomi were reading at a low table set atop a charcoal brazier. A thick quilt spread over the sides of the table so their legs were tucked inside with the heat.\"Who is it at this hour, in this weather?\" Chie questioned as she picked the name card off the maid's lacquer tray.\"Shinoda, Akira. Kobe Dental College,\" she read. Naomi recognized the name. Chie heard a soft intake of air.\"I think you should go,\" said Naomi. twenties, slim and serious, wearing the blackmilitary-style uniform of a student. As he bowed-his hands hanging straight down, a black cap in one, a yellow oil-paper umbrella in the other-Chie glanced beyond him. In the glistening surface of the courtyard's rain-drenched paving 30 stones, she saw his reflection like a dark double.\"Madame,\" said Akira, \"forgive my disruption, but I come with a matter of urgency.\"His voice was soft, refined. He straightened and stole a deferential peek at her face.35 In the dim light his eyes shone with sincerity. Chie felt herself starting to like him.\"Come inside, get out of this nasty night. Surely your business can wait for a moment or two.\"\"I don't want to trouble you. Normally I would 40 approach you more properly but I've received word of a position. I've an opportunity to go to America, as dentist for Seattle's Japanese community.\"\"Congratulations,\" Chie said with amusement. \"That is an opportunity, I'm sure. But how am I 45 involved?\"Even noting Naomi's breathless reaction to the name card, Chie had no idea. Akira's message, delivered like a formal speech, filled her with maternal amusement. You know how children speak50 so earnestly, so hurriedly, so endearingly about things that have no importance in an adult's mind? That's how she viewed him, as a child. It was how she viewed Naomi. Even though Naomi was eighteen and training endlessly in the arts 55 needed to make a good marriage, Chie had made no effort to find her a husband.Akira blushed.\"Depending on your response, I may stay in Japan. I've come to ask for Naomi's hand.\"60 Suddenly Chie felt the dampness of the night.\"Does Naomi know anything of your... ambitions?\"\"We have an understanding. Please don't judge my candidacy by the unseemliness of this proposal. I65 ask directly because the use of a go-between takes much time. Either method comes down to the same thing: a matter of parental approval. If you give your consent, I become Naomi's yoshi. ${ }^{*}$ We'll live in the House of Fuji. Without your consent, I must go to 70 America, to secure a new home for my bride.\"Eager to make his point, he'd been looking her full in the face. Abruptly, his voice turned gentle. \"I see I've startled you. My humble apologies. I'll take no more of your evening. My address is on my card. If 75 you don't wish to contact me, I'll reapproach you in two weeks' time. Until then, good night.\"He bowed and left. Taking her ease, with effortless grace, like a cat making off with a fish.\"Mother?\" Chie heard Naomi's low voice and 80 turned from the door. \"He has asked you?\"The sight of Naomi's clear eyes, her dark brows gave Chie strength. Maybe his hopes were preposterous.\"Where did you meet such a fellow? Imagine! $\\mathrm{He}$ 85 thinks he can marry the Fuji heir and take her to America all in the snap of his fingers!\"Chie waited for Naomi's ripe laughter.Naomi was silent. She stood a full half minute looking straight into Chie's eyes. Finally, she spoke.90 \"I met him at my literary meeting.\"Naomi turned to go back into the house, then stopped.\"Mother.\"\"Yes?\"95 \"I mean to have him.\"\\begin{itemize}\\item a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family's name\\end{itemize}\nQ: The main purpose of the first paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) describe a culture.\nB.) analyze a reaction.\nC.) criticize a tradition.\nD.) question a suggestion.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: The authors' main purpose of including the information about $\\mathrm{X}$-ray evidence and density is to\nChoices:\nA.) establish that DNA is the molecule that carries the genetic information.\nB.) provide support for the authors' claim about the number of chains in a molecule of DNA.\nC.) present an alternate hypothesis about the composition of a nucleotide.\nD.) confirm the relationship between the density of DNA and the known chemical formula of DNA.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: Based on the table and passage, which choice gives the correct percentages of the purines in yeast DNA?\nChoices:\nA.) $31.3 \\%$ and $32.9 \\%$\nB.) $17.1 \\%$ and $32.9 \\%$\nC.) $18.7 \\%$ and $31.3 \\%$\nD.) $17.1 \\%$ and $18.7 \\%$\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: Do the data in the table support the authors' proposed pairing of bases in DNA?\nChoices:\nA.) Yes, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of thymine, and the percentage of guanine is closest to the percentage of cytosine.\nB.) Yes, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of guanine, and the percentage of cytosine is closest to the percentage of thymine.\nC.) No, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of thymine, and the percentage of guanine is closest to the percentage of cytosine.\nD.) No, because for each given organism, the percentage of adenine is closest to the percentage of guanine, and the percentage of cytosine is closest to the percentage of thymine. 30\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The chemical formula of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is now well established. The molecule is a very long chain, the backbone of which consists of a regular alternation of sugar and phosphate groups.To each sugar is attached a nitrogenous base, which can be of four different types. Two of the possible bases-adenine and guanine - are purines, and the other two-thymine and cytosine-are pyrimidines. So far as is known, the sequence of bases along the 10 chain is irregular. The monomer unit, consisting of phosphate, sugar and base, is known as a nucleotide.The first feature of our structure which is of biological interest is that it consists not of one chain, but of two. These two chains are both coiled around15 a common fiber axis. It has often been assumed that since there was only one chain in the chemical formula there would only be one in the structural unit. However, the density, taken with the X-ray evidence, suggests very strongly that there are two.The other biologically important feature is the manner in which the two chains are held together. This is done by hydrogen bonds between the bases. The bases are joined together in pairs, a single base from one chain being hydrogen-bonded to a single25 base from the other. The important point is that only certain pairs of bases will fit into the structure.One member of a pair must be a purine and the other a pyrimidine in order to bridge between the two chains. If a pair consisted of two purines, for 30 example, there would not be room for it.We believe that the bases will be present almost entirely in their most probable forms. If this is true, the conditions for forming hydrogen bonds are more restrictive, and the only pairs of bases possible are: 35 adenine with thymine, and guanine with cytosine. Adenine, for example, can occur on either chain; but when it does, its partner on the other chain must always be thymine.The phosphate-sugar backbone of our model is 40 completely regular, but any sequence of the pairs of bases can fit into the structure. It follows that in a long molecule many different permutations are possible, and it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of bases is the code which carries the45 genetical information. If the actual order of the bases on one of the pair of chains were given, one could write down the exact order of the bases on the other one, because of the specific pairing. Thus one chain is, as it were, the complement of the other, and it is50 this feature which suggests how the deoxyribonucleic acid molecule might duplicate itself.The table shows, for various organisms, the percentage of each of the four types of nitrogenous bases in that organism's DNA.\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}\\hline\\multicolumn{5}{|c|}{Base Composition of DNA} \\\\\\hline\\multirow{3}{*}{Organism} & \\multicolumn{4}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percentage of base } \\\\\\text { in organism's DNA }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 2 - 5 }& $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { adenine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { guanine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { cytosine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { thymine } \\\\ (\\%)\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hline& 26.8 & 22.8 & 23.2 & 27.2 \\\\\\hlineOctopus & 33.2 & 17.6 & 17.6 & 31.6 \\\\\\hlineChicken & 28.0 & 22.0 & 21.6 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineRat & 28.6 & 21.4 & 20.5 & 28.4 \\\\\\hlineHuman & 29.3 & 20.7 & 20.0 & 30.0 \\\\\\hlineGrasshopper & 29.3 & 20.5 & 20.7 & 29.3 \\\\\\hlineSea urchin & 32.8 & 17.7 & 17.3 & 32.1 \\\\\\hlineWheat & 27.3 & 22.7 & 22.8 & 27.1 \\\\\\hlineYeast & 31.3 & 18.7 & 17.1 & 32.9 \\\\\\hlineE. coli & 24.7 & 26.0 & 25.7 & 23.6 \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}\nQ: According to the table, which of the following pairs of base percentages in sea urchin DNA provides evidence in support of the answer to the previous question?\nChoices:\nA.) $17.3 \\%$ and $32.8 \\%$\nB.) $17.3 \\%$ and $17.7 \\%$\nC.) $17.3 \\%$ and $32.1 \\%$\nD.) $17.7 \\%$ and $32.8 \\%$\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) stress the urgency of an issue.\nB.) emphasize the value of a tradition.\nC.) highlight the severity of social divisions.\nD.) question the feasibility of an undertaking\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: The central claim of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) the entry of educated women into positions of power traditionally held by men will transform those positions.\nB.) women can have positions of influence in English society only if they give up some of their traditional roles.\nC.) the male monopoly on power in English society has had grave and continuing effects.\nD.) educated women face a decision about how to engage with existing institutions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} {"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: According to the passage, Woolf chooses the setting of the bridge because it\nChoices:\nA.) is within sight of historic episodes to which she alludes.\nB.) provides a good view of the procession of the sons of educated men.\nC.) is symbolic of the legacy of past and present sons of educated men.\nD.) is conducive to a mood of fanciful reflection.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: Woolf indicates that the procession she describes in the passage\nChoices:\nA.) has come to have more practical influence in recent years.\nB.) has become a celebrated feature of English public life.\nC.) includes all of the richest and most powerful men in England.\nD.) has become less exclusionary in its membership in recent years.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: The author of Passage 1 indicates that space mining could have which positive effect?\nChoices:\nA.) It could raise the value of some precious metals on Earth.\nB.) It could yield materials important to Earth's economy.\nC.) It could create unanticipated technological innovations.\nD.) It could change scientists' understanding of space resources.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: The central claim of Passage 2 is that space mining has positive potential but\nChoices:\nA.) such potential may not include replenishing key resources that are disappearing on Earth.\nB.) it will end up encouraging humanity's reckless treatment of the environment.\nC.) its effects should be thoughtfully considered before it becomes a reality.\nD.) experts disagree about the commercial viability of the discoveries it could yield.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: Which statement best describes the relationship between the passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 expresses reservations about developments discussed in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 argues against the practicality of the proposals put forth in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 refutes the central claim advanced in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 illustrates the phenomenon described in more general terms in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: Which point about the resources that will be highly valued in space is implicit in Passage 1 and explicit in Passage 2 ?\nChoices:\nA.) They may be different resources from those that are valuable on Earth.\nB.) They will be valuable only if they can be harvested cheaply.\nC.) They may increase in value as those same resources become rare on Earth.\nD.) They are likely to be primarily precious metals and rare earth elements.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: The narrator of the passage can best be described as\nChoices:\nA.) Miss Spivey herself. 2\nB.) an anonymous member of the community.\nC.) Miss Spivey's predecessor.\nD.) one of Miss Spivey's former students.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: In the passage, Threestep is mainly presented as a\nChoices:\nA.) town that is home to a prominent university.\nB.) comfortable suburb.\nC.) summer retreat for vacationers.\nD.) small rural town.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that some of the people at the train station regard Miss Spivey's comment about the Georgia heat with\nChoices:\nA.) resentment, because they feel that she is minimizing their discomfort.\nB.) disappointment, because they doubt that she will stay in Threestep for very long.\nC.) sympathy, because they assume that she is experiencing intense heat for the first time.\nD.) embarrassment, because they imagine that she is superior to them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: The interaction between Miss Spivey and Ralphord serves mainly to\nChoices:\nA.) introduce Ralphord as a precocious young student and Miss Spivey as a dismissive and disinterested teacher.\nB.) establish a friendly dynamic between the charming schoolchildren and their indulgent and doting new instructor.\nC.) demonstrate that the children want to amuse Miss Spivey with their questions.\nD.) suggest that Miss Spivey has an exaggerated view of what information should be considered common knowledge.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: According to the passage, Miss Spivey ended up in Threestep as a direct result of\nChoices:\nA.) talking with a woman at the WPA.\nB.) her friendship with Janet Miller.\nC.) Miss Chandler's retirement from teaching.\nD.) attending college in New York City.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: In the passage, when Miss Spivey announces that she had seen camels, the students' reaction suggests that they are\nChoices:\nA.) baffled.\nB.) delighted.\nC.) worried.\nD.) fascinated.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: Based on the passage, textbook authors in the early 1990s would most likely have expected which condition to result from the blocking of fast fibers?\nChoices:\nA.) The ability to perceive vibrations would be impaired.\nB.) The test subject would perceive gentle stimuli as painful.\nC.) The rate at which other nerve fibers fired would increase.\nD.) The body would compensate by using slow fibers to sense pressure.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: Which conclusion is best supported by the findings of Olausson's 1993 experiment?\nChoices:\nA.) Gentle pressure is sensed not only by fast fibers but also by slow fibers.\nB.) The presence of hairs in human skin lessens the speed with which nerves conduct signals.\nC.) Stimulation at bodily extremities can be sensed as rapidly as stimulation closer to the brain.\nD.) The speed at which a nerve fires is dependent on the strength of pressure applied to the nerve.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Close at hand is a bridge over the River Thames, an admirable vantage ground for us to make a survey. The river flows beneath; barges pass, laden with timber, bursting with corn; there on one side are 5 the domes and spires of the city; on the other, Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. It is a place to stand on by the hour, dreaming. But not now. Now we are pressed for time. Now we are here to consider facts; now we must fix our eyes upon the10 procession-the procession of the sons of educated men.There they go, our brothers who have been educated at public schools and universities, mounting those steps, passing in and out of those15 doors, ascending those pulpits, preaching, teaching, administering justice, practising medicine, transacting business, making money. It is a solemn sight always - a procession, like a caravanserai crossing a desert. ... But now, for the past twenty20 years or so, it is no longer a sight merely, a photograph, or fresco scrawled upon the walls of time, at which we can look with merely an esthetic appreciation. For there, trapesing along at the tail end of the procession, we go ourselves. And that25 makes a difference. We who have looked so long at the pageant in books, or from a curtained window watched educated men leaving the house at about nine-thirty to go to an office, returning to the house at about six-thirty from an office, need look passively30 no longer. We too can leave the house, can mount those steps, pass in and out of those doors, ... make money, administer justice. ... We who now agitate these humble pens may in another century or two speak from a pulpit. Nobody will dare contradict us35 then; we shall be the mouthpieces of the divine spirit-a solemn thought, is it not? Who can say whether, as time goes on, we may not dress in military uniform, with gold lace on our breasts, swords at our sides, and something like the old40 family coal-scuttle on our heads, save that that venerable object was never decorated with plumes of white horsehair. You laugh-indeed the shadow of the private house still makes those dresses look a little queer. We have worn private clothes so 45 long. ... But we have not come here to laugh, or to talk of fashions-men's and women's. We are here, on the bridge, to ask ourselves certain questions. And they are very important questions; and we have very little time in which to answer them. The0 questions that we have to ask and to answer about that procession during this moment of transition are so important that they may well change the lives of all men and women for ever. For we have to ask ourselves, here and now, do we wish to join that55 procession, or don't we? On what terms shall we join that procession? Above all, where is it leading us, the procession of educated men? The moment is short; it may last five years; ten years, or perhaps only a matter of a few months longer. ... But, you will60 object, you have no time to think; you have your battles to fight, your rent to pay, your bazaars to organize. That excuse shall not serve you, Madam. As you know from your own experience, and there are facts that prove it, the daughters of educated men65 have always done their thinking from hand to mouth; not under green lamps at study tables in the cloisters of secluded colleges. They have thought while they stirred the pot, while they rocked the cradle. It was thus that they won us the right to our70 brand-new sixpence. It falls to us now to go on thinking; how are we to spend that sixpence? Think we must. Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations and Lord Mayor's Shows; let us think ... in the75 gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking-what is this \"civilization\" in which we find ourselves? What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in80 them? What are these professions and why should we make money out of them? Where in short is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men?\nQ: Woolf indicates that the procession she describes in the passage\nChoices:\nA.) includes all of the richest and most powerful men in England.\nB.) has become less exclusionary in its membership in recent years.\nC.) has come to have more practical influence in recent years.\nD.) has become a celebrated feature of English public life.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: The author of Passage 1 indicates that space mining could have which positive effect?\nChoices:\nA.) It could change scientists' understanding of space resources.\nB.) It could raise the value of some precious metals on Earth.\nC.) It could yield materials important to Earth's economy.\nD.) It could create unanticipated technological innovations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: The central claim of Passage 2 is that space mining has positive potential but\nChoices:\nA.) it will end up encouraging humanity's reckless treatment of the environment.\nB.) such potential may not include replenishing key resources that are disappearing on Earth.\nC.) experts disagree about the commercial viability of the discoveries it could yield.\nD.) its effects should be thoughtfully considered before it becomes a reality.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: Which statement best describes the relationship between the passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 illustrates the phenomenon described in more general terms in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 refutes the central claim advanced in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 expresses reservations about developments discussed in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 argues against the practicality of the proposals put forth in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Follow the money and you will end up in space. That's the message from a first-of-its-kind forum on mining beyond Earth.Convened in Sydney by the Australian Centre for 5 Space Engineering Research, the event brought together mining companies, robotics experts, lunar scientists, and government agencies that are all working to make space mining a reality.The forum comes hot on the heels of the 102012 unveiling of two private asteroid-mining firms. Planetary Resources of Washington says it will launch its first prospecting telescopes in two years, while Deep Space Industries of Virginia hopes to be harvesting metals from asteroids by 2020 . Another15 commercial venture that sprung up in 2012, Golden Spike of Colorado, will be offering trips to the moon, including to potential lunar miners.Within a few decades, these firms may be meeting earthly demands for precious metals, such as20 platinum and gold, and the rare earth elements vital for personal electronics, such as yttrium and lanthanum. But like the gold rush pioneers who transformed the western United States, the first space miners won't just enrich themselves. They also hope25 to build an off-planet economy free of any bonds with Earth, in which the materials extracted and processed from the moon and asteroids are delivered for space-based projects.In this scenario, water mined from other 30 worlds could become the most desired commodity. \"In the desert, what's worth more: a kilogram of gold or a kilogram of water?\" asks Kris Zacny of HoneyBee Robotics in New York. \"Gold is useless. Water will let you live.\"35 Water ice from the moon's poles could be sent to astronauts on the International Space Station for drinking or as a radiation shield. Splitting water into oxygen and hydrogen makes spacecraft fuel, so ice-rich asteroids could become interplanetary 40 refuelling stations. Companies are eyeing the iron, silicon, and aluminium in lunar soil and asteroids, which could be used in 3D printers to make spare parts or machinery. Others want to turn space dirt into 45 concrete for landing pads, shelters, and roads.\\section{Passage 2}The motivation for deep-space travel is shifting from discovery to economics. The past year has seen a flurry of proposals aimed at bringing celestial riches down to Earth. No doubt this will make a few0 billionaires even wealthier, but we all stand to gain: the mineral bounty and spin-off technologies could enrich us all.But before the miners start firing up their rockets, we should pause for thought. At first glance, space55 mining seems to sidestep most environmental concerns: there is (probably!) no life on asteroids, and thus no habitats to trash. But its consequences -both here on Earth and in space -merit careful consideration.60 Part of this is about principles. Some will argue that space's \"magnificent desolation\" is not ours to despoil, just as they argue that our own planet's poles should remain pristine. Others will suggest that glutting ourselves on space's riches is not an65 acceptable alternative to developing more sustainable ways of earthly life.History suggests that those will be hard lines to hold, and it may be difficult to persuade the public that such barren environments are worth preserving.70 After all, they exist in vast abundance, and even fewer people will experience them than have walked through Antarctica's icy landscapes.There's also the emerging off-world economy to consider. The resources that are valuable in orbit and 75 beyond may be very different to those we prize on Earth. Questions of their stewardship have barely been broached-and the relevant legal and regulatory framework is fragmentary, to put it mildly.Space miners, like their earthly counterparts, are 80 often reluctant to engage with such questions.One speaker at last week's space-mining forum in Sydney, Australia, concluded with a plea that regulation should be avoided. But miners have much to gain from a broad agreement on the for-profit 85 exploitation of space. Without consensus, claims will be disputed, investments risky, and the gains made insecure. It is in all of our long-term interests to seek one out\nQ: Which point about the resources that will be highly valued in space is implicit in Passage 1 and explicit in Passage 2 ?\nChoices:\nA.) They are likely to be primarily precious metals and rare earth elements.\nB.) They may increase in value as those same resources become rare on Earth.\nC.) They will be valuable only if they can be harvested cheaply.\nD.) They may be different resources from those that are valuable on Earth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: The narrator of the passage can best be described as\nChoices:\nA.) Miss Spivey herself. 2\nB.) one of Miss Spivey's former students.\nC.) an anonymous member of the community.\nD.) Miss Spivey's predecessor.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: In the passage, Threestep is mainly presented as a\nChoices:\nA.) small rural town.\nB.) summer retreat for vacationers.\nC.) comfortable suburb.\nD.) town that is home to a prominent university.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that some of the people at the train station regard Miss Spivey's comment about the Georgia heat with\nChoices:\nA.) disappointment, because they doubt that she will stay in Threestep for very long.\nB.) sympathy, because they assume that she is experiencing intense heat for the first time.\nC.) resentment, because they feel that she is minimizing their discomfort.\nD.) embarrassment, because they imagine that she is superior to them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: The interaction between Miss Spivey and Ralphord serves mainly to\nChoices:\nA.) establish a friendly dynamic between the charming schoolchildren and their indulgent and doting new instructor.\nB.) suggest that Miss Spivey has an exaggerated view of what information should be considered common knowledge.\nC.) introduce Ralphord as a precocious young student and Miss Spivey as a dismissive and disinterested teacher.\nD.) demonstrate that the children want to amuse Miss Spivey with their questions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: According to the passage, Miss Spivey ended up in Threestep as a direct result of\nChoices:\nA.) Miss Chandler's retirement from teaching.\nB.) her friendship with Janet Miller.\nC.) talking with a woman at the WPA.\nD.) attending college in New York City.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Miss Grace Spivey arrived in Threestep, Georgia, in August 1938. She stepped off the train wearing a pair of thick-soled boots suitable for hiking, a navyblue dress, and a little white tam that rode the wavesof her red hair at a gravity-defying angle. August was a hellish month to step off the train in Georgia, although it was nothing, she said, compared to the 119 degrees that greeted her when she arrived one time in Timbuktu, which, she assured us, was a real 10 place in Africa. I believe her remark irritated some of the people gathered to welcome her on the burned grass alongside the tracks. When folks are sweating through their shorts, they don't like to hear that this is nothing compared to someplace else. Irritated or15 not, the majority of those present were inclined to see the arrival of the new schoolteacher in a positive light. Hard times were still upon us in 1938, but, like my momma said, \"We weren't no poorer than we'd ever been,\" and the citizens of Threestep were in the 20 mood for a little excitement.Miss Spivey looked like just the right person to give it to them. She was, by almost anyone's standards, a woman of the world. She'd gone to boarding schools since she was six years old; she'd 25 studied French in Paris and drama in London; and during what she called a \"fruitful intermission\" in her formal education, she had traveled extensively in the Near East and Africa with a friend of her grandmother's, one Janet Miller, who was a medical30 doctor from Nashville, Tennessee. After her travels with Dr. Miller, Miss Spivey continued her education by attending Barnard College in New York City. She told us all that at school the first day. When my little brother Ralphord asked what did she study at35 Barnyard College, Miss Spivey explained that Barnard, which she wrote on the blackboard, was the sister school of Columbia University, of which, she expected, we all had heard.It was there, she told us, in the midst of trying to 40 find her true mission in life, that she wandered one afternoon into a lecture by the famous John Dewey, who was talking about his famous book, Democracy and Education. Professor Dewey was in his seventies by then, Miss Spivey said, but he still liked to chat45 with students after a lecture-especially female students, she added-sometimes over coffee, and see in their eyes the fire his words could kindle. It was after this lecture and subsequent coffee that Miss Spivey had marched to the Teacher's College and 50 signed up, all aflame. Two years later, she told a cheery blue-suited woman from the $\\mathrm{WPA}^{1}$ that she wanted to bring democracy and education to the poorest, darkest, most remote and forgotten corner of America.55 They sent her to Threestep, Georgia.Miss Spivey paused there for questions, avoiding my brother Ralphord's eye.What we really wanted to know about-all twenty-six of us across seven grade levels in the one 60 room-was the pearly white button hanging on a string in front of the blackboard behind the teacher's desk up front. That button on a string was something new. When Mavis Davis (the only bona fide seventh grader, at age thirteen) asked what it was for, Miss65 Spivey gave the string a tug, and to our astonishment, the whole world-or at least a wrinkled map of it-unfolded before our eyes. Her predecessor, Miss Chandler, had never once made use of that map, which was older than our fathers, and until that70 moment, not a one of us knew it was there.Miss Spivey showed us on the map how she and Dr. Janet Miller had sailed across the Atlantic Ocean and past the Rock of Gibraltar into theMediterranean Sea. Using the end of a ruler, she75 gently tapped such places as Morocco and Tunis and Algiers to mark their route along the top of Africa. They spent twenty hours on the train to Baghdad, she said, swathed in veils against the sand that crept in every crack and crevice.80 \"And can you guess what we saw from the train?\" Miss Spivey asked. We could not. \"Camels!\" she said. \"We saw a whole caravan of camels.\" She looked around the room, waiting for us to be amazed and delighted at the thought.85 We all hung there for a minute, thinking hard, until Mavis Davis spoke up.\"She means like the three kings rode to Bethlehem,\" Mavis said, and she folded her hands smugly on her seventh-grade desk in the back of the 90 room.Miss Spivey made a mistake right then. Instead of beaming upon Mavis the kind of congratulatory smile that old Miss Chandler would have bestowed on her for having enlightened the rest of us, Miss95 Spivey simply said, \"That's right.\"1 The Works Progress Administration (WPA) was a government agency that hired people for public and cultural development projects and services.\nQ: In the passage, when Miss Spivey announces that she had seen camels, the students' reaction suggests that they are\nChoices:\nA.) fascinated.\nB.) delighted.\nC.) worried.\nD.) baffled.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: Based on the passage, textbook authors in the early 1990s would most likely have expected which condition to result from the blocking of fast fibers?\nChoices:\nA.) The test subject would perceive gentle stimuli as painful.\nB.) The rate at which other nerve fibers fired would increase.\nC.) The ability to perceive vibrations would be impaired.\nD.) The body would compensate by using slow fibers to sense pressure.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: Which conclusion is best supported by the findings of Olausson's 1993 experiment?\nChoices:\nA.) The speed at which a nerve fires is dependent on the strength of pressure applied to the nerve.\nB.) The presence of hairs in human skin lessens the speed with which nerves conduct signals.\nC.) Gentle pressure is sensed not only by fast fibers but also by slow fibers.\nD.) Stimulation at bodily extremities can be sensed as rapidly as stimulation closer to the brain.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred that one of the intended goals of the 1999 experiment was to determine the\nChoices:\nA.) role played by CT fibers in the perception of pain.\nB.) relationship between body hair and CT fiber function.\nC.) effect of microneurography on CT fiber signaling.\nD.) precise nature of sensations that CT fibers can convey.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} {"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: According to the passage, G.L. differed from Olausson's other test subjects in terms of the\nChoices:\nA.) number of cortices activated in the brain during gentle brushing.\nB.) effect of MRI scanning on the basic function of brain cortices.\nC.) intensity of nerve signals required to activate the insular cortex.\nD.) physical dimensions of the somatosensory cortex.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: According to the passage, humans experience an emotional aspect of touch when\nChoices:\nA.) CT fibers are exposed to a stimulus.\nB.) conscious aspects of sensation are ignored.\nC.) nerve fibers that sense pain are suppressed.\nD.) brain cortices are shielded from nerve signals.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: In Passage 1, Beveridge asserts that the resources and immensity of the United States constitute a\nChoices:\nA.) divine gift to the American people.\nB.) replication of conditions in Europe.\nC.) safeguard against foreign invasion.\nD.) source of envy for people in other countries.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from Passage 2 that Bryan considers the preference for national sovereignty over foreign rule to be a\nChoices:\nA.) reaction to the excesses of imperial governments in the modern era.\nB.) sign that the belief in human equality is widespread.\nC.) testament to the effects of the foreign policy of the United States.\nD.) manifestation of an innate drive in humans toward self-rule.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: In developing their respective arguments, Beveridge (Passage 1) and Bryan (Passage 2) both express admiration for the\nChoices:\nA.) founding and history of the United States.\nB.) worldwide history of struggles for independence.\nC.) idealism that permeates many aspects of American society\nD.) vibrancy and diversity of American culture.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: Which choice best describes a central difference between how Beveridge (Passage 1) and Bryan (Passage 2) view the concept of liberty as it is realized in the United States?\nChoices:\nA.) Beveridge considers it so exemplary as to justify conquest of other regions, whereas Bryan warns that its exemplary quality would be undermined by imperial expansion.\nB.) Beveridge presents it as the direct inheritance of European colonization, whereas Bryan presents it as a sharp break from earlier governments in Europe.\nC.) Beveridge argues that it arose organically as the United States matured, whereas Bryan argues that it was present from the country's beginnings.\nD.) Beveridge regards it as a model that should be shared with other countries, whereas Bryan believes that it is unique to the United States and could not work elsewhere.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from Passage 2 that Bryan would criticize the vision of American governance of island territories that Beveridge presents in Passage 1 for being\nChoices:\nA.) impractical, since the islanders would insist upon an equal distribution of resources.\nB.) naive, since the islanders would object to being governed by Americans\nC.) deceptive, since economic domination would be the true goal of the American government.\nD.) unrealistic, since most Americans would be unwilling to relocate to distant islands.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: According to the passage, exposure to light allows seeds to\nChoices:\nA.) absorb necessary nutrients.\nB.) achieve maximum growth.\nC.) begin to develop.\nD.) withstand extreme temperatures.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: The passage suggests that if Seydel had planted wheat or corn on the two agricultural strips in Hartmann's experiment, the percentage of the surface of each strip covered with weeds would likely have been\nChoices:\nA.) nearly impossible for Hartmann to determine.\nB.) lower than the percentage that Hartmann found.\nC.) higher than the percentage that Hartmann had predicted.\nD.) comparable to Hartmann's original projection.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: According to the table, in which soil sample disturbed in darkness did the fewest number of seedlings emerge?\nChoices:\nA.) Sample $A$\nB.) Sample B\nC.) Sample C\nD.) Sample D\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: As presented in the table, which sample produced the most seedlings when the soil was disturbed in light?\nChoices:\nA.) Sample I\nB.) Sample J\nC.) Sample H\nD.) Sample G\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A woman does not correct a stranger who mistakes her for someone else.\nB.) A woman impersonates someone else to seek revenge on an acquaintance.\nC.) A woman takes an immediate dislike to her new employer.\nD.) A woman weighs the positive and negative aspects of accepting a new job.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: The passage most clearly implies that other people regarded Lady Carlotta as\nChoices:\nA.) outspoken.\nB.) ambitious.\nC.) tactful.\nD.) unfriendly.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: In the early 1990s, textbooks acknowledged that humans had slow-conducting nerves, but asserted that those nerves only responded to two types of stimuli: pain and temperature. Sensations of pressureand vibration were believed to travel only along myelinated, fast-signaling nerve fibers, which also give information about location. Experiments blocking nerve fibers supported this notion. Preventing fast fibers from firing (either by clamping 10 the relevant nerve or by injecting the local anesthetic lidocaine) seemed to eliminate the sensation of pressure altogether, but blocking slow fibers only seemed to reduce sensitivity to warmth or a small painful shock.15 Håkan Olausson and his Gothenburg University colleagues Åke Vallbo and Johan Wessberg wondered if slow fibers responsive to gentle pressure might be active in humans as well as in other mammals. In 1993, they corralled 28 young20 volunteers and recorded nerve signals while gently brushing the subjects' arms with their fingertips. Using a technique called microneurography, in which a fine filament is inserted into a single nerve to capture its electrical impulses, the scientists were able25 to measure how quickly-or slowly-the nerves fired. They showed that soft stroking prompted two different signals, one immediate and one delayed. The delay, Olausson explains, means that the signal from a gentle touch on the forearm will30 reach the brain about a half second later. This delay identified nerve impulses traveling at speeds characteristic of slow, unmyelinated fibers-about 1 meter/second-confirming the presence of these fibers in human hairy skin. (In contrast, fast-35 conducting fibers, already known to respond to touch, signal at a rate between 35 and $75 \\mathrm{~m} / \\mathrm{s}$.)Then, in 1999, the group looked more closely at the characteristics of the slow fibers. They named these \"low-threshold\" nerves \"C-tactile,\" or CT,40 fibers, said Olausson, because of their \"exquisite sensitivity\" to slow, gentle tactile stimulation, but unresponsiveness to noxious stimuli like pinpricks.But why exactly humans might have such fibers, which respond only to a narrow range of rather45 subtle stimuli, was initially mystifying. Unlike other types of sensory nerves, CT fibers could be found only in hairy human skin-such as the forearm and thigh. No amount of gentle stroking of hairless skin, such as the palms and soles of the feet, prompted50 similar activity signatures. Olausson and his colleagues decided that these fibers must be conveying a different dimension of sensory information than fast-conducting fibers.Although microneurography can give55 information about how a single nerve responds to gentle brushing and pressure, it cannot tease out what aspect of sensation that fiber relays, says Olausson. He wanted to know if that same slow nerve can distinguish where the brush touches the$60 \\mathrm{arm}$, and whether it can discern the difference between a goat-hair brush and a feather. Most importantly, could that same fiber convey a pleasant sensation?To address the question, Olausson's group sought65 out a patient known as G.L. who had an unusual nerve defect. More than 2 decades earlier, she had developed numbness across many parts of her body after taking penicillin to treat a cough and fever. Testing showed that she had lost responsiveness to 70 pressure, and a nerve biopsy confirmed that G.L.'s quick-conducting fibers were gone, resulting in an inability to sense any pokes, prods, or pinpricks below her nose. But she could still sense warmth, suggesting that her slow-conducting unmyelinated 75 fibers were intact.Upon recruiting G.L., Olausson tested her by brushing her arm gently at the speed of between 2-10 centimeters per second. She had more trouble distinguishing the direction or pressure of the brush80 strokes than most subjects, but reported feeling a pleasant sensation. When the researchers tried brushing her palm, where CT fibers are not found, she felt nothing.Olausson used functional MRI studies to examine 85 which areas of the brain lit up when G.L.'s arm was gently brushed to activate CT fibers. In normal subjects, both the somatosensory and insular cortices were activated, but only the insular cortex [which processes emotion] was active when researchers90 brushed G.L.'s arm. This solidified the notion that CT fibers convey a more emotional quality of touch, rather than the conscious aspect that helps us describe what we are sensing. CT fibers, it seemed, specifically provide pleasurable sensations\nQ: According to the passage, humans experience an emotional aspect of touch when\nChoices:\nA.) CT fibers are exposed to a stimulus.\nB.) nerve fibers that sense pain are suppressed.\nC.) conscious aspects of sensation are ignored.\nD.) brain cortices are shielded from nerve signals.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: In Passage 1, Beveridge asserts that the resources and immensity of the United States constitute a\nChoices:\nA.) safeguard against foreign invasion.\nB.) source of envy for people in other countries.\nC.) replication of conditions in Europe.\nD.) divine gift to the American people.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from Passage 2 that Bryan considers the preference for national sovereignty over foreign rule to be a\nChoices:\nA.) manifestation of an innate drive in humans toward self-rule.\nB.) testament to the effects of the foreign policy of the United States.\nC.) reaction to the excesses of imperial governments in the modern era.\nD.) sign that the belief in human equality is widespread.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: In developing their respective arguments, Beveridge (Passage 1) and Bryan (Passage 2) both express admiration for the\nChoices:\nA.) founding and history of the United States.\nB.) vibrancy and diversity of American culture.\nC.) worldwide history of struggles for independence.\nD.) idealism that permeates many aspects of American society\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: Which choice best describes a central difference between how Beveridge (Passage 1) and Bryan (Passage 2) view the concept of liberty as it is realized in the United States?\nChoices:\nA.) Beveridge argues that it arose organically as the United States matured, whereas Bryan argues that it was present from the country's beginnings.\nB.) Beveridge considers it so exemplary as to justify conquest of other regions, whereas Bryan warns that its exemplary quality would be undermined by imperial expansion.\nC.) Beveridge regards it as a model that should be shared with other countries, whereas Bryan believes that it is unique to the United States and could not work elsewhere.\nD.) Beveridge presents it as the direct inheritance of European colonization, whereas Bryan presents it as a sharp break from earlier governments in Europe.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Fellow-Citizens: It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would enclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between 5 the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny. It is a mighty people that $\\mathrm{He}$ has planted on this soil; a people sprung from the most masterful blood of history; a people perpetually revitalized by the virile ... working-folk10 of all the earth; a people imperial by virtue of their power, by right of their institutions, by authority of their heaven-directed purposes-the propagandists and not the misers of liberty. It is a glorious history our God has bestowed upon His chosen people; a15 history whose keynote was struck by Liberty Bell; a history heroic with faith in our mission and our future; a history of statesmen, who flung the boundaries of the Republic out into unexplored lands ... a history of soldiers, who carried the flag20 across blazing deserts and through the ranks of hostile mountains, even to the gates of sunset; a history of a multiplying people, who overran a continent in half a century ... a history divinely logical, in the process of whose tremendous 25 reasoning we find ourselves to-day....Think of the thousands of Americans who will pour into Hawaii and Porto Rico when the Republic's laws cover those islands with justice and safety! Think of the tens of thousands of Americans30 who will invade ... the Philippines when a liberal government ... shall establish order and equity there! Think of the hundreds of thousands of Americans who will build a . . civilization of energy and industry in Cuba, when a government of law35 replaces the double reign of anarchy and tyranny!think of the prosperous millions that Empress of Islands will support when, obedient to the law of political gravitation, her people ask for the highest honor liberty can bestow, the sacred Order of the40 Stars and Stripes, the citizenship of the Great Republic!\\section{Passage 2}If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the45 Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability.The Filipinos do not need any encouragement 50 from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated tomake the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, \"Give me liberty or give me death,\" he exprest a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men.60 Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.$65 \\mathrm{Or}$, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are 70 forgotten.Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or 75 spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so80 low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.Those who would have this Nation enter upon a career of empire must consider, not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also85 calculate its effects upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from Passage 2 that Bryan would criticize the vision of American governance of island territories that Beveridge presents in Passage 1 for being\nChoices:\nA.) impractical, since the islanders would insist upon an equal distribution of resources.\nB.) deceptive, since economic domination would be the true goal of the American government.\nC.) unrealistic, since most Americans would be unwilling to relocate to distant islands.\nD.) naive, since the islanders would object to being governed by Americans\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: According to the passage, exposure to light allows seeds to\nChoices:\nA.) achieve maximum growth.\nB.) absorb necessary nutrients.\nC.) begin to develop.\nD.) withstand extreme temperatures.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: The passage suggests that if Seydel had planted wheat or corn on the two agricultural strips in Hartmann's experiment, the percentage of the surface of each strip covered with weeds would likely have been\nChoices:\nA.) lower than the percentage that Hartmann found.\nB.) higher than the percentage that Hartmann had predicted.\nC.) comparable to Hartmann's original projection.\nD.) nearly impossible for Hartmann to determine.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: According to the table, in which soil sample disturbed in darkness did the fewest number of seedlings emerge?\nChoices:\nA.) Sample B\nB.) Sample $A$\nC.) Sample D\nD.) Sample C\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Many millennia before the invention of herbicides, farmers simply plowed their fields to control weeds. Even today, plowing can constitute a valuable part of an integrated weed-management 5 program. Although plowing kills standing weeds, farmers have long known that it often leads to the emergence of new weed seedlings in a few weeks.Ecologists have shown that a farmer's field can have 50,000 or more weed seeds per square meter 10 buried beneath the soil surface. Plant physiologists have shown that seeds buried more than about one centimeter below the soil surface do not receive enough light to germinate. Do the blades of a plow, which can reach more than a foot beneath the soil15 surface, bring some of these buried seeds to the surface where their germination is induced by exposure to sunlight?Two ecologists, Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, began to study this question in the 1960s. In a 20 relatively simple experiment, they went to ten different habitats in Wisconsin during the night and collected pairs of soil samples. They stirred up the soil in one sample of each pair in the light and stirred up the other sample of each pair in the dark. They then25 exposed all ten pairs to natural sunlight in a greenhouse. For nine of the ten pairs of soil samples, weed growth was greater in the samples stirred up in light. They concluded that soil disturbance gives weed seeds a \"light break,\" and this stimulates their 30 germination.More recently, Karl Hartmann of Erlangen University in Germany reasoned that when farmers plowed their fields during the day, the buried weed seeds are briefly exposed to sunlight as the soil is35 turned over, and that this stimulates their germination. Although the light exposures from plowing may be less than one millisecond, that can be enough to induce seed germination. Thus the germination of weed seeds would be minimized if40 farmers simply plowed their fields during the night, when the photon fluence rate [the rate at which photons hit the surface] is below $10^{15}$ photons per square meter per second. Although even under these conditions hundreds of millions of photons strike 45 each square millimeter of ground each second, this illumination is below the threshold needed to stimulate the germination of most seeds.Hartmann says that he was very skeptical when he first came up with this idea because he assumed 50 that such a simple method of weed control as plowing at nighttime must be ineffective or it would have been discovered long ago. But the subsequent experiments, first presented at a 1989 scientific meeting in Freiburg, Germany, clearly demonstrated 55 that the method can be effective.Hartmann tested his idea by plowing two agricultural strips near Altershausen, Germany. The farmer Karl Seydel cultivated one strip, repeated threefold, at around midday and the other strip60 at night. No crops were planted in these pilot experiments, to avoid possible competition with the emerging weeds. The results were dramatic. More than 80 percent of the surface of the field plowed in daylight was covered by weeds, whereas 65 only about 2 percent of the field plowed at night was covered by weeds.This method of weed control is currently being used by several farmers in Germany. Because many of the same weed species that invade farmers' fields70 in Germany also invade fields elsewhere in the world, this method should be successful elsewhere. In fact, recent studies at universities in Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Denmark, Sweden, and Argentina support this idea. Number of Emerged Seedlings in Soil Samples One Month after Soil Was Disturbed\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|l|c|c|}\\hline\\multirow{2}{*}{Sample} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{Source of soil} & \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Number of emerged } \\\\\\text { seedlings in soil } \\\\\\text { disturbed in }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\cline { 3 - 4 }& & light & darkness & \\\\\\hlineA & deciduous woods & 4 & 0 & \\\\\\hlineB & deciduous woods & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineC & deciduous woods & 6 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineD & conifer plantation & 8 & 3 & \\\\\\hlineE & conifer plantation & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineF & tall-grass prairie & & 1 & \\\\\\hlineG & old pasture & 0 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineH & old pasture & 2 & 1 & \\\\\\hlineI & muck field & 14 & 2 & \\\\\\hlineJ & muck field & 5 & 3 & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik, \"A Possible Ecological Relation between Soil Disturbance, Light-Flash, and Seed Germination.\" @1964 by Jonathan Sauer and Gwendolyn Struik.\nQ: As presented in the table, which sample produced the most seedlings when the soil was disturbed in light?\nChoices:\nA.) Sample I\nB.) Sample H\nC.) Sample G\nD.) Sample J\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A woman impersonates someone else to seek revenge on an acquaintance.\nB.) A woman weighs the positive and negative aspects of accepting a new job.\nC.) A woman takes an immediate dislike to her new employer.\nD.) A woman does not correct a stranger who mistakes her for someone else.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: The passage most clearly implies that other people regarded Lady Carlotta as\nChoices:\nA.) unfriendly.\nB.) tactful.\nC.) outspoken.\nD.) ambitious.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: The narrator indicates that Claude, Wilfrid, Irene, and Viola are\nChoices:\nA.) more educated than others of their age.\nB.) unusually creative and intelligent.\nC.) similar to many of their peers.\nD.) hostile to the idea of a governess.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: The narrator implies that Mrs. Quabarl favors a form of education that emphasizes\nChoices:\nA.) artistic experimentation.\nB.) traditional values.\nC.) factual retention.\nD.) active engagement.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: As presented in the passage, Mrs. Quabarl is best described as\nChoices:\nA.) superficially kind but actually selfish.\nB.) socially successful but irrationally bitter.\nC.) outwardly imposing but easily defied.\nD.) naturally generous but frequently imprudent.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: Which choice best reflects the overall sequence of events in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) An experiment is proposed but proves unworkable; a less ambitious experiment is attempted, and it yields data that give rise to a new set of questions.\nB.) A new discovery leads to reconsideration of a theory; a classic study is adapted, and the results are summarized.\nC.) An unexpected finding arises during the early phase of a study; the study is modified in response to this finding, and the results are interpreted and evaluated.\nD.) An anomaly is observed and simulated experimentally; the results are compared with previous findings, and a novel hypothesis is proposed.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: Which statement best captures Ken Dial's central assumption in setting up his research?\nChoices:\nA.) The acquisition of flight in young birds sheds light on the acquisition of flight in their evolutionary ancestors.\nB.) Young birds in a controlled research setting are less likely than birds in the wild to require perches when at rest.\nC.) The tendency of certain young birds to jump erratically is a somewhat recent evolved behavior.\nD.) Ground-dwelling and tree-climbing predecessors to birds evolved in parallel.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: The passage identifies which of the following as a factor that facilitated the baby Chukars' traction on steep ramps?\nChoices:\nA.) The speed with which they climbed\nB.) The alternation of wing and foot movement\nC.) The position of their flapping wings\nD.) Their continual hopping motions 28\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: What can reasonably be inferred about gliding animals from the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) Their young tend to hop along beside their parents instead of flying beside them.\nB.) Their method of locomotion is similar to that of ground birds.\nC.) They use the ground for feeding more often than for perching.\nD.) They do not use a flapping stroke to aid in climbing slopes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: It can be inferred that the authors of Passage 1 believe that running a household and raising children\nChoices:\nA.) are rewarding for men as well as for women.\nB.) yield less value for society than do the roles performed by men.\nC.) entail very few activities that are difficult or unpleasant.\nD.) require skills similar to those needed to run a country or a business.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: According to the author of Passage 2, in order for society to progress, women must\nChoices:\nA.) enjoy personal happiness and financial security.\nB.) receive an education comparable to that of men. 35\nC.) replace men as figures of power and authority.\nD.) follow all currently prescribed social rules.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: In Passage 2, the author claims that freedoms granted by society's leaders have\nChoices:\nA.) caused arguments about the nature of happiness.\nB.) resulted in a general reduction in individual virtue.\nC.) privileged one gender over the other.\nD.) ensured equality for all people.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: Which best describes the overall relationship between Passage 1 and Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 draws alternative conclusions from the evidence presented in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 strongly challenges the point of view in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 elaborates on the proposal presented in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 restates in different terms the argument presented in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: The narrator implies that Mrs. Quabarl favors a form of education that emphasizes\nChoices:\nA.) active engagement.\nB.) factual retention.\nC.) traditional values.\nD.) artistic experimentation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Lady Carlotta stepped out on to the platform of the small wayside station and took a turn or two up and down its uninteresting length, to kill time till the train should be pleased to proceed on its way. Then,in the roadway beyond, she saw a horse struggling with a more than ample load, and a carter of the sort that seems to bear a sullen hatred against the animal that helps him to earn a living. Lady Carlotta promptly betook her to the roadway, and put rather a 10 different complexion on the struggle. Certain of her acquaintances were wont to give her plentiful admonition as to the undesirability of interfering on behalf of a distressed animal, such interference being \"none of her business.\" Only once had she put the 1 doctrine of non-interference into practice, when one of its most eloquent exponents had been besieged for nearly three hours in a small and extremely uncomfortable may-tree by an angry boar-pig, while Lady Carlotta, on the other side of the fence, had20 proceeded with the water-colour sketch she was engaged on, and refused to interfere between the boar and his prisoner. It is to be feared that she lost the friendship of the ultimately rescued lady. On this occasion she merely lost the train, which gave way to 25 the first sign of impatience it had shown throughout the journey, and steamed off without her. She bore the desertion with philosophical indifference; her friends and relations were thoroughly well used to the fact of her luggage arriving without her.30 She wired a vague non-committal message to her destination to say that she was coming on \"by another train.\" Before she had time to think what her next move might be she was confronted by an imposingly attired lady, who seemed to be taking a 35 prolonged mental inventory of her clothes and looks.\"You must be Miss Hope, the governess I've come to meet,\" said the apparition, in a tone that admitted of very little argument.\"Very well, if I must I must,\" said Lady Carlotta to 40 herself with dangerous meekness.\"I am Mrs. Quabarl,\" continued the lady; \"and where, pray, is your luggage?\"\"It's gone astray,\" said the alleged governess, falling in with the excellent rule of life that the absent 45 are always to blame; the luggage had, in point of fact, behaved with perfect correctitude. \"I've just telegraphed about it,\" she added, with a nearer approach to truth.\"How provoking,\" said Mrs. Quabarl; \"these 50 railway companies are so careless. However, my maid can lend you things for the night,\" and she led the way to her car.During the drive to the Quabarl mansion Lady Carlotta was impressively introduced to the 55 nature of the charge that had been thrust upon her; she learned that Claude and Wilfrid were delicate, sensitive young people, that Irene had the artistic temperament highly developed, and that Viola was something or other else of a mould equally60 commonplace among children of that class and type in the twentieth century.\"I wish them not only to be TAUGHT,\" said Mrs. Quabarl, \"but INTERESTED in what they learn. In their history lessons, for instance, you must try to65 make them feel that they are being introduced to the life-stories of men and women who really lived, not merely committing a mass of names and dates to memory. French, of course, I shall expect you to talk at meal-times several days in the week.\"70 \"I shall talk French four days of the week and Russian in the remaining three.\"\"Russian? My dear Miss Hope, no one in the house speaks or understands Russian.\"\"That will not embarrass me in the least,\" said 75 Lady Carlotta coldly.Mrs. Quabarl, to use a colloquial expression, was knocked off her perch. She was one of those imperfectly self-assured individuals who are magnificent and autocratic as long as they are not80 seriously opposed. The least show of unexpected resistance goes a long way towards rendering them cowed and apologetic. When the new governess failed to express wondering admiration of the large newly-purchased and expensive car, and lightly85 alluded to the superior advantages of one or two makes which had just been put on the market, the discomfiture of her patroness became almost abject. Her feelings were those which might have animated a general of ancient warfaring days, on beholding his 90 heaviest battle-elephant ignominiously driven off the field by slingers and javelin throwers.\nQ: As presented in the passage, Mrs. Quabarl is best described as\nChoices:\nA.) naturally generous but frequently imprudent.\nB.) socially successful but irrationally bitter.\nC.) superficially kind but actually selfish.\nD.) outwardly imposing but easily defied.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: Which choice best reflects the overall sequence of events in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) An unexpected finding arises during the early phase of a study; the study is modified in response to this finding, and the results are interpreted and evaluated.\nB.) A new discovery leads to reconsideration of a theory; a classic study is adapted, and the results are summarized.\nC.) An anomaly is observed and simulated experimentally; the results are compared with previous findings, and a novel hypothesis is proposed.\nD.) An experiment is proposed but proves unworkable; a less ambitious experiment is attempted, and it yields data that give rise to a new set of questions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: Which statement best captures Ken Dial's central assumption in setting up his research?\nChoices:\nA.) Young birds in a controlled research setting are less likely than birds in the wild to require perches when at rest.\nB.) Ground-dwelling and tree-climbing predecessors to birds evolved in parallel.\nC.) The acquisition of flight in young birds sheds light on the acquisition of flight in their evolutionary ancestors.\nD.) The tendency of certain young birds to jump erratically is a somewhat recent evolved behavior.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: The passage identifies which of the following as a factor that facilitated the baby Chukars' traction on steep ramps?\nChoices:\nA.) The speed with which they climbed\nB.) Their continual hopping motions 28\nC.) The position of their flapping wings\nD.) The alternation of wing and foot movement\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: At field sites around the world, Ken Dial saw a pattern in how young pheasants, quail, tinamous, and other ground birds ran along behind their parents. \"They jumped up like popcorn,\" he said, 5 describing how they would flap their half-formed wings and take short hops into the air. So when a group of graduate students challenged him to come up with new data on the age-old ground-up-tree-down debate, he designed a project10 to see what clues might lie in how baby game birds learned to fly.Ken settled on the Chukar Partridge as a model species, but he might not have made his discovery without a key piece of advice from the local15 rancher in Montana who was supplying him with birds. When the cowboy stopped by to see how things were going, Ken showed him his nice, tidy laboratory setup and explained how the birds' first hops and flights would be measured. The rancher20 was incredulous. \"He took one look and said, in pretty colorful language, 'What are those birds doing on the ground? They hate to be on the ground! Give them something to climb on!\" At first it seemed unnatural-ground birds don't like the ground? But25 as he thought about it Ken realized that all the species he'd watched in the wild preferred to rest on ledges, low branches, or other elevated perches where they were safe from predators. They really only used the ground for feeding and traveling. So he brought30 in some hay bales for the Chukars to perch on and then left his son in charge of feeding and data collection while he went away on a short work trip.Barely a teenager at the time, young Terry Dial was visibly upset when his father got back. \"I asked 35 him how it went,\" Ken recalled, \"and he said, 'Terrible! The birds are cheating!' \" Instead of flying up to their perches, the baby Chukars were using their legs. Time and again Terry had watched them run right up the side of a hay bale, flapping all the40 while. Ken dashed out to see for himself, and that was the \"aha\" moment. \"The birds were using their wings and legs cooperatively,\" he told me, and that single observation opened up a world of possibilities.Working together with Terry (who has since gone 45 on to study animal locomotion), Ken came up with a series of ingenious experiments, filming the birds as they raced up textured ramps tilted at increasing angles. As the incline increased, the partridges began to flap, but they angled their wings differently from 50 birds in flight. They aimed their flapping down and backward, using the force not for lift but to keep their feet firmly pressed against the ramp. \"It's like the spoiler on the back of a race car,\" he explained, which is a very apt analogy. In Formula One racing, 55 spoilers are the big aerodynamic fins that push the cars downward as they speed along, increasing traction and handling. The birds were doing the very same thing with their wings to help them scramble up otherwise impossible slopes.60 Ken called the technique WAIR, for wing-assisted incline running, and went on to document it in a wide range of species. It not only allowed young birds to climb vertical surfaces within the first few weeks of life but also gave adults an energy-efficient65 alternative to flying. In the Chukar experiments, adults regularly used WAIR to ascend ramps steeper than 90 degrees, essentially running up the wall and onto the ceiling.In an evolutionary context, WAIR takes on 70 surprising explanatory powers. With one fell swoop, the Dials came up with a viable origin for the flapping flight stroke of birds (something gliding animals don't do and thus a shortcoming of the tree-down theory) and an aerodynamic function for 75 half-formed wings (one of the main drawbacks to the ground-up hypothesis)\nQ: What can reasonably be inferred about gliding animals from the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) They do not use a flapping stroke to aid in climbing slopes.\nB.) They use the ground for feeding more often than for perching.\nC.) Their method of locomotion is similar to that of ground birds.\nD.) Their young tend to hop along beside their parents instead of flying beside them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: It can be inferred that the authors of Passage 1 believe that running a household and raising children\nChoices:\nA.) entail very few activities that are difficult or unpleasant.\nB.) are rewarding for men as well as for women.\nC.) yield less value for society than do the roles performed by men.\nD.) require skills similar to those needed to run a country or a business.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: According to the author of Passage 2, in order for society to progress, women must\nChoices:\nA.) replace men as figures of power and authority.\nB.) enjoy personal happiness and financial security.\nC.) receive an education comparable to that of men. 35\nD.) follow all currently prescribed social rules.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: In Passage 2, the author claims that freedoms granted by society's leaders have\nChoices:\nA.) privileged one gender over the other.\nB.) ensured equality for all people.\nC.) resulted in a general reduction in individual virtue.\nD.) caused arguments about the nature of happiness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: Which best describes the overall relationship between Passage 1 and Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 draws alternative conclusions from the evidence presented in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 elaborates on the proposal presented in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 strongly challenges the point of view in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 restates in different terms the argument presented in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: The authors of both passages would most likely agree with which of the following statements about women in the eighteenth century?\nChoices:\nA.) They needed a good education to be successful in society.\nB.) They generally enjoyed fewer rights than men did.\nC.) They were just as happy in life as men were.\nD.) Their natural preferences were the same as those of men.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: How would the authors of Passage 1 most likely respond to the points made in the final paragraph of Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Women are not naturally suited for the exercise of civil and political rights.\nB.) Men and women possess similar degrees of reasoning ability.\nC.) Women do not need to remain confined to their traditional family duties.\nD.) The principles of natural law should not be invoked when considering gender roles.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that beekeepers' attempts to fight mite infestations with commercially produced insecticides have what unintentional effect?\nChoices:\nA.) They further harm the health of some bees.\nB.) They increase certain mite populations.\nC.) They kill some beneficial forms of bacteria.\nD.) They destroy bees' primary food source.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: An unstated assumption made by the authors about clover is that the plants\nChoices:\nA.) do not produce pyrethrums.\nB.) will not be a good food source for honeybees in the control colonies.\nC.) are usually located near wild-type honeybee colonies.\nD.) are members of the Chrysanthemum genus.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Based on data in the table, in what percent of colonies with colony collapse disorder were the honeybees infected by all four pathogens?\nChoices:\nA.) 0 percent\nB.) 77 percent\nC.) 83 percent\nD.) 100 percent\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Based on data in the table, which of the four pathogens infected the highest percentage of honeybee colonies without colony collapse disorder?\nChoices:\nA.) Nosema apis\nB.) $\\mathrm{IAPV}$\nC.) $\\mathrm{KBV}$\nD.) Nosema ceranae\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Do the data in the table provide support for the authors' claim that infection with varroa mites increases a honeybee's susceptibility to secondary infections?\nChoices:\nA.) Yes, because for each pathogen, the percent of colonies infected is greater for colonies with colony collapse disorder than for colonies without colony collapse disorder.\nB.) No, because the data do not indicate whether the honeybees had been infected with mites.\nC.) No, because the data do not provide evidence about bacteria as a cause of colony collapse disorder.\nD.) Yes, because the data provide evidence that infection with a pathogen caused the colonies to undergo colony collapse disorder.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the primary focus shifts from\nChoices:\nA.) an exchange between strangers to a satisfying personal relationship.\nB.) Lymie's experience reading a book to descriptions of people in the restaurant. 2\nC.) Lymie's inner thoughts to observations made by the other characters.\nD.) the physical setting of the scene to the different characters' personality traits.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}That half the human race is excluded by the other half from any participation in government; that they are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land where they were born; and that they areproperty-owners yet have no direct influence or representation: are all political phenomena apparently impossible to explain on abstract principle. But on another level of ideas, the question changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose ofall these institutions must be the happiness of the greatest number. Everything that leads us farther from this purpose is in error; everything that brings us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public employments decreed against women leads to a 15 greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes, then this becomes a law that all Societies have been compelled to acknowledge and sanction.Any other ambition would be a reversal of our primary destinies; and it will never be in women's20 interest to change the assignment they have received.It seems to us incontestable that our common happiness, above all that of women, requires that they never aspire to the exercise of political rights and functions. Here we must seek their interests in25 the wishes of nature. Is it not apparent, that their delicate constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon them to gentle occupations and the cares of the30 home? And is it not evident that the great conserving principle of Societies, which makes the division of powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and revealed by nature itself, when it divided the functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a35 manner? This is sufficient; we need not invoke principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us not make rivals of life's companions. You must, you truly must allow the persistence of a union that no interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand 40 that the good of all demands this of you.\\section{Passage 2}Contending for the rights of woman, my main argument is built on this simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the companion of man, she will stop the progress of45 knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to co-operate unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her50 reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are to be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an55 orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations....Consider, sir, dispassionately, these60 observations-for a glimpse of this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, \"that to see one half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it65 was impossible to explain.\" If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion prevails in this70 country, built on the very arguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman-prescription.Consider-I address you as a legislatorwhether, when men contend for their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their75 own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift 80 of reason?In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination, from the weak king to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be 85 useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force all women, by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families groping in the dark?\nQ: How would the authors of Passage 1 most likely respond to the points made in the final paragraph of Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Women are not naturally suited for the exercise of civil and political rights.\nB.) The principles of natural law should not be invoked when considering gender roles.\nC.) Women do not need to remain confined to their traditional family duties.\nD.) Men and women possess similar degrees of reasoning ability.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that beekeepers' attempts to fight mite infestations with commercially produced insecticides have what unintentional effect?\nChoices:\nA.) They destroy bees' primary food source.\nB.) They kill some beneficial forms of bacteria.\nC.) They further harm the health of some bees.\nD.) They increase certain mite populations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: An unstated assumption made by the authors about clover is that the plants\nChoices:\nA.) do not produce pyrethrums.\nB.) are usually located near wild-type honeybee colonies.\nC.) are members of the Chrysanthemum genus.\nD.) will not be a good food source for honeybees in the control colonies.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Based on data in the table, in what percent of colonies with colony collapse disorder were the honeybees infected by all four pathogens?\nChoices:\nA.) 0 percent\nB.) 77 percent\nC.) 100 percent\nD.) 83 percent\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Based on data in the table, which of the four pathogens infected the highest percentage of honeybee colonies without colony collapse disorder?\nChoices:\nA.) Nosema apis\nB.) $\\mathrm{KBV}$\nC.) Nosema ceranae\nD.) $\\mathrm{IAPV}$\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Honey bees are hosts to the pathogenic large ectoparasitic mite Varroa destructor (Varroa mites). These mites feed on bee hemolymph (blood) and can kill bees directly or by increasing their susceptibilityto secondary infection with fungi, bacteria or viruses. Little is known about the natural defenses that keep the mite infections under control.Pyrethrums are a group of flowering plants which include Chrysanthemum coccineum, Chrysanthemumcinerariifolium, Chrysanthemum marschalli, and related species. These plants produce potent insecticides with anti-mite activity. The naturally occurring insecticides are known as pyrethrums. A synonym for the naturally occurring pyrethrums is 15 pyrethrin and synthetic analogues of pyrethrums are known as pyrethroids. In fact, the human mite infestation known as scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) is treated with a topical pyrethrum cream.We suspect that the bees of commercial bee 20 colonies which are fed mono-crops are nutritionally deficient. In particular, we postulate that the problem is a diet deficient in anti-mite toxins: pyrethrums, and possibly other nutrients which are inherent in such plants. Without, at least, intermittent feeding on25 the pyrethrum producing plants, bee colonies are susceptible to mite infestations which can become fatal either directly or due to a secondary infection of immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees. This secondary infection can be viral, bacterial or 30 fungal and may be due to one or more pathogens. In addition, immunocompromised or nutritionally deficient bees may be further weakened when commercially produced insecticides are introduced into their hives by bee keepers in an effort to fight35 mite infestation. We further postulate that the proper dosage necessary to prevent mite infestation may be better left to the bees, who may seek out or avoid pyrethrum containing plants depending on the amount necessary to defend against mites and the40 amount already consumed by the bees, which in higher doses could be potentially toxic to them. This hypothesis can best be tested by a trial wherein a small number of commercial honey bee colonies are offered a number of pyrethrum45 producing plants, as well as a typical bee food source such as clover, while controls are offered only the clover. Mites could then be introduced to each hive with note made as to the choice of the bees, and the effects of the mite parasites on the experimental50 colonies versus control colonies.It might be beneficial to test wild-type honey bee colonies in this manner as well, in case there could be some genetic difference between them that affects the bees' preferences for pyrethrum producing flowers.Pathogen Occurrence in Honey Bee Colonies With and Without Colony Collapse Disorder\\begin{center}\\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}\\hline& \\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{$\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Percent of colonies affected by } \\\\\\text { pathogen }\\end{array}$} \\\\\\hlinePathogen & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies with } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ & $\\begin{array}{c}\\text { Colonies without } \\\\ \\text { colony collapse } \\\\ \\text { disorder (\\%) }\\end{array}$ \\\\\\hlineViruses & 83 & 5 \\\\IAPV & 100 & 76 \\\\KBV & 90 & 48 \\\\\\hlineFungi & 100 & 81 \\\\Nosema apis & 77 & 0 \\\\Nosema ceranae & All four pathogens & \\\\\\hline\\end{tabular}\\end{center}Adapted from Diana L. Cox-Foster et al., \"A Metagenomic Survey of Microbes in Honey Bee Colony Collapse Disorder.\" @2007 by American Association for the Advancement of Science.The table above shows, for colonies with colony collapse disorder and for colonies without colony collapse disorder, the percent of colonies having honey bees infected by each of four pathogens and by all four pathogens together\nQ: Do the data in the table provide support for the authors' claim that infection with varroa mites increases a honeybee's susceptibility to secondary infections?\nChoices:\nA.) No, because the data do not indicate whether the honeybees had been infected with mites.\nB.) Yes, because the data provide evidence that infection with a pathogen caused the colonies to undergo colony collapse disorder.\nC.) Yes, because for each pathogen, the percent of colonies infected is greater for colonies with colony collapse disorder than for colonies without colony collapse disorder.\nD.) No, because the data do not provide evidence about bacteria as a cause of colony collapse disorder.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the primary focus shifts from\nChoices:\nA.) an exchange between strangers to a satisfying personal relationship.\nB.) the physical setting of the scene to the different characters' personality traits.\nC.) Lymie's inner thoughts to observations made by the other characters.\nD.) Lymie's experience reading a book to descriptions of people in the restaurant. 2\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} {"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: The main purpose of the first paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) indicate the date the passage takes place by presenting period details.\nB.) convey the passage's setting by describing a place and an object.\nC.) introduce the passage's main character by showing his nightly habits.\nD.) foreshadow an event that is described in detail later in the passage.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: book\") The narrator indicates that Lymie finally closes the history book because\nChoices:\nA.) he has finished the chapter about the Congress.\nB.) the people at the other table are too disruptive.\nC.) he is preparing to leave the restaurant.\nD.) his father has joined him at the table.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: The main idea of the last paragraph is that Mr. Peters\nChoices:\nA.) behaves as if he is a younger version of himself.\nB.) neglects to spend any time with his family members.\nC.) is preoccupied with the knowledge that he is growing old.\nD.) is very conscious of symbols of wealth and power.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 1, Beecher makes which point about the status of women relative to that of men?\nChoices:\nA.) Women are inferior to men, but women play a role as significant as that played by men.\nB.) Women are superior to men, but tradition requires women to obey men.\nC.) Women have fewer rights than men do, but women also have fewer responsibilities.\nD.) Women depend on men for their safety and security, but men are largely independent of women.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 1, Beecher implies that women's effect on public life is largely\nChoices:\nA.) symbolic, because women tend to be more idealistic about politics than men are.\nB.) unnecessary, because men are able to govern society themselves.\nC.) indirect, because women exert their influence within the home and family life.\nD.) overlooked, because few men are interested in women's thoughts about politics.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: What is Grimké's central claim in Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Moral rights are the most important distinction between human beings and animals.\nB.) Men and women should have equal opportunities to flourish.\nC.) Men and women must learn to work together to improve society.\nD.) The rights of individuals are not determined by race or gender.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 2, Grimké makes which point about human rights?\nChoices:\nA.) They are viewed differently in various cultures around the world.\nB.) They retain their moral authority regardless of whether they are recognized by law.\nC.) They are sometimes at odds with moral responsibilities.\nD.) They have become more advanced and refined throughout history.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: nothingness\") Which choice best states the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 provides a historical context for the perspective offered in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 elaborates upon several ideas implied in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 takes issue with the primary argument of Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 illustrates the practical difficulties of a proposal made in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: Based on the passages, both authors would agree with which of the following claims?\nChoices:\nA.) The ethical obligations of women are often undervalued.\nB.) Political activism is as important for women as it is for men.\nC.) Women have moral duties and responsibilities.\nD.) Men often work selflessly for political change.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: According to the passage, Maguire's findings regarding taxi drivers are significant because they\nChoices:\nA.) challenge the authenticity of previous data.\nB.) call into question an earlier consensus.\nC.) demonstrate the validity of a new method.\nD.) provide evidence for a popular viewpoint.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: Which question was Maguire's study of mental athletes primarily intended to answer?\nChoices:\nA.) What is the relationship between general cognitive ability and the unusual brain structures of mental athletes?\nB.) Does the act of memorization make use of different brain structures than does the act of navigation?\nC.) Does heightened memorization ability reflect abnormal brain structure or an unusual use of normal brain structure?\nD.) Do mental athletes inherit their unusual brain structures, or do the structures develop as a result of specific activities?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: According to the passage, when compared to mental athletes, the individuals in the control group in Maguire's second study\nChoices:\nA.) displayed noticeably smaller hippocampal regions.\nB.) demonstrated a wider range of cognitive ability.\nC.) showed less brain activity overall.\nD.) exhibited different patterns of brain activity.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that mental athletes are successful at memorization because they\nChoices:\nA.) organize information into numerical lists prior to memorization.\nB.) exercise their brains regularly through puzzles and other mental challenges\nC.) convert information they are trying to memorize into abstract symbols.\nD.) exploit parts of the brain not normally used in routine memorization.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: Which choice best describes a major theme of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The corrupting influence of a materialistic society\nB.) The restorative power of parental love\nC.) The bittersweet brevity of childhood naïveté\nD.) The moral purity of young children\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: As compared with Silas's gold, Eppie is portrayed as having more\nChoices:\nA.) protection.\nB.) vitality.\nC.) self-sufficiency.\nD.) durability.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: Which statement best describes a technique the narrator uses to represent Silas's character before he adopted Eppie?\nChoices:\nA.) The narrator emphasizes Silas's former obsession with wealth by depicting his gold as requiring certain behaviors on his part.\nB.) The narrator underscores Silas's former greed by describing his gold as seeming to reproduce on its own.\nC.) The narrator demonstrates Silas's former lack of self-awareness by implying that he is unable to recall life before Eppie.\nD.) The narrator hints at Silas's former antisocial attitude by contrasting his present behavior toward his neighbors with his past behavior toward them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: According to the narrator, one consequence of Silas adopting Eppie is that he\nChoices:\nA.) looks forward to a different kind of future\nB.) seems more accepting of help from others.\nC.) better understands his place in nature.\nD.) has renounced all desire for money.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: In describing the relationship between Eppie and Silas, the narrator draws a connection between Eppie's\nChoices:\nA.) expanding awareness and Silas's increasing engagement with life.\nB.) physical growth and Silas's painful perception of his own mortality.\nC.) physical vulnerability and Silas's emotional fragility.\nD.) boundless energy and Silas's insatiable desire for wealth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) explain research conducted to study why some birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation.\nB.) describe how squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation.\nC.) discuss the effects of downdrafts on birds and airplanes.\nD.) illustrate how birds sense air currents through their feathers. The author includes the quotation \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing\"\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: What can reasonably be inferred about the reason Usherwood used northern bald ibises as the subjects of his study?\nChoices:\nA.) The ibises were well acquainted with their migration route.\nB.) The ibises were easily accessible for Usherwood and his team to track and observe.\nC.) Usherwood knew the ibises were familiar with carrying data loggers during migration.\nD.) The ibises have a body design that is similar to that of a modern airplane.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: What does the author imply about pelicans, storks, and geese flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation?\nChoices:\nA.) They expend more energy than do ibises.\nB.) They communicate with each other in the same way as do ibises.\nC.) They have the same migration routes as those of ibises.\nD.) They create a similar wake to that of ibises.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: In Passage 1, Tocqueville implies that treatment of men and women as identical in nature would have which consequence?\nChoices:\nA.) Both sexes would be greatly harmed.\nB.) Men would try to reclaim their lost authority.\nC.) Men and women would have privileges they do not need.\nD.) Neither sex would feel oppressed.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: In Passage 2, Mill most strongly suggests that gender roles are resistant to change because they\nChoices:\nA.) can be influenced by legislative reforms only indirectly.\nB.) have long served as the basis for the formal organization of society.\nC.) are matters of deeply entrenched tradition.\nD.) benefit the groups and institutions currently in power.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: Both authors would most likely agree that the changes in gender roles that they describe would be\nChoices:\nA.) inevitable given the economic advantages of gender equality.\nB.) at odds with the principles of American democracy.\nC.) unlikely to provide benefits that outweigh their costs.\nD.) part of a broad social shift toward greater equality.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: Which choice best describes the ways that the two authors conceive of the individual's proper position in society?\nChoices:\nA.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's position should be defined in important ways by that individual's sex, while Mill believes that an individual's abilities should be the determining factor.\nB.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's economic class should determine that individual's position, while Mill believes that class is not a legitimate consideration.\nC.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's temperament should determine that individual's position, while Mill believes that temperament should not be a factor in an individual's position.\nD.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's position should be determined by what is most beneficial to society, while Mill believes it should be determined by what an individual finds most rewarding. 41\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the main focus shifts from a\nChoices:\nA.) depiction of the narrator's father to an examination of an author with whom the narrator becomes enchanted.\nB.) tale about the hardships of the narrator's childhood to an analysis of the effects of those hardships.\nC.) symbolic representation of a skill the narrator possesses to an example of its application.\nD.) general discussion of the narrator's love of reading to a portrayal of an influential incident.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that the main reason that the narrator considers Great Expectations to be the best gift he ever received is because\nChoices:\nA.) reading the book convinced him that he wanted to be a writer.\nB.) Sempere was a friend of the book's author.\nC.) the gift meant that Sempere held him in high regard.\nD.) he'd only ever been given sweets and snacks as gifts in the past.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: done\") The narrator indicates that he pays Sempere\nChoices:\nA.) nothing, because Sempere won't take his money.\nB.) less than Sempere expects him to pay for the books.\nC.) the money he makes selling sweets to the other children.\nD.) much less for the books than they are worth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: Which statement best characterizes the relationship between Sempere and Charles Dickens?\nChoices:\nA.) Sempere models his own writing after Dickens's style.\nB.) Sempere considers himself to be Dickens's most appreciative reader.\nC.) Sempere is an avid admirer of Dickens's work.\nD.) Sempere feels a personal connection to details of Dickens's biography.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: 80 with the annexation of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican War; and it is so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it there has been agitation and resistance.... Do you think that the nature of man will be changed, that the same 85 causes that produced agitation at one time will not have the same effect at another? In the first paragraph of Passage 1, the main purpose of Douglas's discussion of the growth of the territory and population of the United States is to\nChoices:\nA.) provide context for Douglas's defense of continued expansion.\nB.) suggest that the division into free and slave states does not endanger the Union.\nC.) account for the image of the United States as powerful and admirable.\nD.) imply that Lincoln is unaware of basic facts concerning the country.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: What does Passage 1 suggest about the US government's provisions for the institution of slavery, as framed in the Constitution?\nChoices:\nA.) They were founded on an assumption that slavery was necessary for economic growth.\nB.) They provided a good basic structure that does not need to be changed.\nC.) They included no means for reconciling differences between free states and slave states.\nD.) They anticipated the Union's expansion into western territories.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Based on Passage 2, Lincoln would be most likely to agree with which claim about the controversy over slavery?\nChoices:\nA.) It can be ended only if Northern states act unilaterally to abolish slavery throughout the United States.\nB.) It has been exacerbated by the ambiguity of laws regulating the holding of slaves.\nC.) It would abate if attempts to introduce slavery to regions where it is not practiced were abandoned.\nD.) It is fueled in part by differences in religion and social values from state to state.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Which choice identifies a central tension between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Douglas proposes changes to federal policies on slavery, but Lincoln argues that such changes would enjoy no popular support.\nB.) Douglas criticizes Lincoln for finding fault with the Constitution, and Lincoln argues that this criticism misrepresents his position.\nC.) Douglas offers an interpretation of federal law that conflicts with Lincoln's, and Lincoln implies that Douglas's interpretation is poorly reasoned. 40\nD.) Douglas expresses concerns about the economic impact of abolition, but Lincoln dismisses those concerns as irrelevant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Both passages discuss the issue of slavery in relationship to\nChoices:\nA.) religious toleration.\nB.) questions of morality.\nC.) laws regulating commerce.\nD.) the expansion of the Union.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) provide a brief overview of the Venus flytrap and its predatory behavior.\nB.) present research that suggests that the Venus flytrap's predatory behavior is both complex and unique among plants.\nC.) discuss findings that offer a scientific explanation for the Venus flytrap's closing action.\nD.) identify the process by which the Venus flytrap's closing action has evolved.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, a significant advantage of the Venus flytrap's requirement for multiple triggers is that it\nChoices:\nA.) prevents the plant from closing before capturing its prey.\nB.) enables the plant to identify the species of its prey.\nC.) safeguards the plant's energy supply.\nD.) conserves the plant's calcium reserves.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: According to the passage, which statement best explains why the Venus flytrap requires a second trigger hair to be touched within a short amount of time in order for its trap to close?\nChoices:\nA.) The second trigger stabilizes the surge of calcium ions created by the first trigger.\nB.) The second trigger produces an electrical charge that reverses the charge produced by the first trigger.\nC.) The second trigger provides a necessary supplement to the calcium concentration released by the first trigger.\nD.) The second trigger prompts the calcium channels to open.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Which choice describes a scenario in which Hodick and Sievers's model predicts that a Venus flytrap will NOT close around an insect?\nChoices:\nA.) A large insect's second contact with the plant's trigger hairs results in a total calcium ion concentration above the trap's threshold.\nB.) A large insect's contact with the plant's trigger hairs causes calcium channels to open in the trap.\nC.) A large insect makes contact with a second trigger hair after a period of inactivity during which calcium ion concentrations have diminished appreciably.\nD.) A large insect's contact with a second trigger hair occurs within ten seconds of its contact with the first trigger hair.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, what potential criticism might be made of Volkov's testing of Hodick and Sievers's model?\nChoices:\nA.) Volkov's understanding of Hodick and Sievers's model was incorrect.\nB.) Volkov's technology was not available to Hodick and Sievers.\nC.) Volkov's measurements did not corroborate a central element of Hodick and Sievers's model.\nD.) Volkov's direct application of an electrical current would have been objectionable to Hodick and Sievers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, in studying the Venus flytrap, Volkov and his colleagues made the most extensive use of which type of evidence?\nChoices:\nA.) Information obtained from monitoring the Venus flytrap's response to varying amounts of electrical current\nB.) Mathematical models to predict the electrical charge required to close the Venus flytrap\nC.) Analysis of data collected from previous researchers' work involving the Venus flytrap's response to electricity\nD.) Published theories of scientists who developed earlier models of the Venus flytrap\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A character's arrival at her family's ink shop sparks fond memories of her favorite aunt.\nB.) A character's surprise visit leads to a happy reunion at her family's ink shop.\nC.) A character's visit to her family's ink shop deepens her appreciation of her family's work.\nD.) A character comes to understand her father's ambitions while visiting her family's ink shop.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: A main theme of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) family relationships should be nurtured.\nB.) creativity needs to be expressed concretely.\nC.) quality is achieved through deliberate effort.\nD.) hard work results in material compensation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Throughout the passage, the narrator is portrayed as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) attuned to her immediate surroundings.\nB.) anxious about her responsibilities.\nC.) sympathetic to the needs of others.\nD.) reserved around unfamiliar people.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Throughout the passage, the narrator is portrayed as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) anxious about her responsibilities.\nB.) attuned to her immediate surroundings.\nC.) sympathetic to the needs of others.\nD.) reserved around unfamiliar people.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: The narrator indicates that the contrast between the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village and her family's ink shop is that the ink shop\nChoices:\nA.) offers a larger space for presenting products.\nB.) provides greater individual attention to customers.\nC.) is more conveniently located for the public.\nD.) displays the family's ink more impressively.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: 1 A quotation from the Declaration of Independence Smith's main purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) accuse fellow abolitionists of overlooking the contributions that women have made to the movement.\nB.) encourage women to see their participation in the abolitionist cause as just and important.\nC.) make the case that women's rights are meaningless while slavery exists.\nD.) argue that the causes of abolition and women's rights are continuations of the spirit of the American Revolution.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: Which statement provides the best description of a technique that Smith uses throughout the passage to advance her main point?\nChoices:\nA.) She emphasizes the reasonableness of her views by presenting them as though they are universally held.\nB.) She illustrates each of her central ideas with an emotionally powerful anecdote.\nC.) She presents claims in the form of rhetorical questions that mostly have implicit negative answers.\nD.) She criticizes her opponents by quoting self-contradictory remarks they have made.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the first paragraph?\nChoices:\nA.) Smith explains a conventional viewpoint and presents evidence supporting it.\nB.) Smith introduces her subject and provides historical background for understanding it.\nC.) Smith rejects a claim and elaborates on her reasons for doing so.\nD.) Smith identifies a problem and proposes steps to remedy it.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: In the passage, Smith argues that it is possible for women to engage in which activity?\nChoices:\nA.) Contributing to their family's financial security while meeting social expectations\nB.) Adhering to personal morality while being politically neutral\nC.) Resisting calls for war while still opposing slavery\nD.) Acting according to humanitarian principles while preserving their femininity\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: laws\") According to Smith, the US Constitution requires which action on the part of the Northern free states if slaves were to revolt?\nChoices:\nA.) The Northern states would have to help the slave states fight the slaves' rebellion.\nB.) The Northern states would have to sever ties with the slave states.\nC.) The Northern states would have to provide financial assistance to the rebelling slaves.\nD.) The Northern states would have to give shelter to refugees from the slave states.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: In the passage, Smith most strongly suggests that slavery affects the United States by\nChoices:\nA.) causing violent conflicts in many areas of the country.\nB.) leading many women to disavow their allegiance to the country.\nC.) lowering the country's reputation in the international community.\nD.) weakening the authority of the country's government.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The first paragraph of Passage 1 primarily serves to\nChoices:\nA.) offer a theory that is challenged by the findings presented in the passage.\nB.) present a claim that is supported and developed over the course of the passage.\nC.) identify a problem that the research discussed in the passage may help to address.\nD.) introduce a controversy that the study described in the passage is intended to resolve.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The author of Passage 1 suggests that an advantage of the method Lewis's team used to grow microorganisms is that it\nChoices:\nA.) identifies the requirements for soil bacteria to thrive and replicates those features in artificial soil.\nB.) allows researchers to make use of soil bacteria that they had previously been unable to exploit.\nC.) enables soil bacteria to take in more nutrients than they typically consume in natural settings.\nD.) directly affects the cell walls of bacteria rather than the proteins those bacteria produce.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The author of Passage 2 would most likely agree with which statement about the development of teixobactin?\nChoices:\nA.) It confirms a long-held belief about a potential source of new antibiotics.\nB.) It casts doubt on the practicality of searching for new antibiotics in exotic environments.\nC.) It shows that conventional methods can still yield new types of antibiotics.\nD.) It reveals that some antibiotics are effective against gram-negative bacteria.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: In the last sentence of Passage 2, the author uses the phrase \"five years and $\\pounds 500$ million\" primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) underscore the amount of time and money that has already been spent researching teixobactin.\nB.) criticize the level of funding that the government has committed to teixobactin development.\nC.) compare the amount of money spent developing teixobactin with the amount spent developing other antibiotics\nD.) emphasize the scale of the effort needed to make teixobactin available for consumer use.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Which choice best describes the relationship between Passage 1 and Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 offers an evaluation of the significance of the research discussed in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 uses concrete examples to illustrate concepts considered in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 suggests a modification to the methodology described in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 takes a dismissive stance regarding the findings mentioned in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Both passages make the point that teixobactin could be useful in\nChoices:\nA.) combating infections that are no longer responding to treatment with other antibiotics.\nB.) shaping a new method of studying the effectiveness of antibiotics.\nC.) standardizing the future development of antibiotics produced in laboratory environments.\nD.) controlling the spread of pathogenic soil fungi.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Information in Passage 2 best supports which conclusion about the mice in the experiment described in Passage 1?\nChoices:\nA.) Gram-positive bacteria enhanced the effectiveness of teixobactin against their upper respiratory tract infections.\nB.) Teixobactin attacked the proteins of the bacteria that caused their upper respiratory tract infections.\nC.) Exposure to teixobactin made them less susceptible to subsequent upper respiratory tract infections.\nD.) Their upper respiratory tract infections were likely not caused by gram-negative bacteria.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: book\") The narrator indicates that Lymie finally closes the history book because\nChoices:\nA.) the people at the other table are too disruptive.\nB.) he has finished the chapter about the Congress.\nC.) his father has joined him at the table.\nD.) he is preparing to leave the restaurant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The Alcazar Restaurant was on Sheridan Road near Devon Avenue. It was long and narrow, with tables for two along the walls and tables for four down the middle. The decoration was art moderne,except for the series of murals depicting the four seasons, and the sick ferns in the front window. Lymie sat down at the second table from the cash register, and ordered his dinner. The history book, which he propped against the catsup and the glass 10 sugar bowl, had been used by others before him. Blank pages front and back were filled in with maps, drawings, dates, comic cartoons, and organs of the body; also with names and messages no longer clear and never absolutely legible. On nearly every other15 page there was some marginal notation, either in ink or in very hard pencil. And unless someone had upset a glass of water, the marks on page 177 were from tears.While Lymie read about the Peace of Paris, signed 20 on the thirtieth of May, 1814, between France and the Allied powers, his right hand managed again and again to bring food up to his mouth. Sometimes he chewed, sometimes he swallowed whole the food that he had no idea he was eating. The Congress of25 Vienna met, with some allowance for delays, early in November of the same year, and all the powers engaged in the war on either side sent plenipotentiaries. It was by far the most splendid and important assembly ever convoked to discuss and 30 determine the affairs of Europe. The Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, and Wurttemberg, all were present in person at the court of the Emperor Francis I in the Austrian capital. When Lymie put down his fork and 35 began to count them off, one by one, on the fingers of his left hand, the waitress, whose name was Irma, thought he was through eating and tried to take his plate away. He stopped her. Prince Metternich (his right thumb) presided over the Congress, and40 Prince Talleyrand (the index finger) represented France.A party of four, two men and two women, came into the restaurant, all talking at once, and took possession of the center table nearest Lymie.45 The women had shingled hair and short tight skirts which exposed the underside of their knees when they sat down. One of the women had the face of a young boy but disguised by one trick or another (rouge, lipstick, powder, wet bangs plastered against 50 the high forehead, and a pair of long pendent earrings) to look like a woman of thirty-five, which as a matter of fact she was. The men were older. They laughed more than there seemed any occasion for, while they were deciding between soup and shrimp 55 cocktail, and their laughter was too loud. But it was the women's voices, the terrible not quite sober pitch of the women's voices which caused Lymie to skim over two whole pages without knowing what was on them. Fortunately he realized this and went back. 60 Otherwise he might never have known about the secret treaty concluded between England, France, and Austria, when the pretensions of Prussia and Russia, acting in concert, seemed to threaten a renewal of the attack. The results of the Congress65 were stated clearly at the bottom of page 67 and at the top of page 68 , but before Lymie got halfway through them, a coat that he recognized as his father's was hung on the hook next to his chair. Lymie closed the book and said, \"I didn't think you 70 were coming.\"Time is probably no more unkind to sporting characters than it is to other people, but physical decay unsustained by respectability is somehow more noticeable. Mr. Peters' hair was turning gray and his75 scalp showed through on top. He had lost weight also; he no longer filled out his clothes the way he used to. His color was poor, and the flower had disappeared from his buttonhole. In its place was an American Legion button.80 Apparently he himself was not aware that there had been any change. He straightened his tie self-consciously and when Irma handed him a menu, he gestured with it so that the two women at the next table would notice the diamond ring on the fourth85 finger of his right hand. Both of these things, and also the fact that his hands showed signs of the manicurist, one can blame on the young man who had his picture taken with a derby hat on the back of his head, and also sitting with a girl in the curve of 90 the moon. The young man had never for one second deserted Mr. Peters. He was always there, tugging at Mr. Peters' elbow, making him do things that were not becoming in a man of forty-five.\nQ: The main idea of the last paragraph is that Mr. Peters\nChoices:\nA.) is preoccupied with the knowledge that he is growing old.\nB.) behaves as if he is a younger version of himself.\nC.) neglects to spend any time with his family members.\nD.) is very conscious of symbols of wealth and power.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 1, Beecher makes which point about the status of women relative to that of men?\nChoices:\nA.) Women depend on men for their safety and security, but men are largely independent of women.\nB.) Women are inferior to men, but women play a role as significant as that played by men.\nC.) Women have fewer rights than men do, but women also have fewer responsibilities.\nD.) Women are superior to men, but tradition requires women to obey men.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 1, Beecher implies that women's effect on public life is largely\nChoices:\nA.) overlooked, because few men are interested in women's thoughts about politics.\nB.) unnecessary, because men are able to govern society themselves.\nC.) symbolic, because women tend to be more idealistic about politics than men are.\nD.) indirect, because women exert their influence within the home and family life.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: What is Grimké's central claim in Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) The rights of individuals are not determined by race or gender.\nB.) Moral rights are the most important distinction between human beings and animals.\nC.) Men and women must learn to work together to improve society.\nD.) Men and women should have equal opportunities to flourish.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: In Passage 2, Grimké makes which point about human rights?\nChoices:\nA.) They are sometimes at odds with moral responsibilities.\nB.) They retain their moral authority regardless of whether they are recognized by law.\nC.) They are viewed differently in various cultures around the world.\nD.) They have become more advanced and refined throughout history.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: nothingness\") Which choice best states the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 provides a historical context for the perspective offered in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 illustrates the practical difficulties of a proposal made in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 takes issue with the primary argument of Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 elaborates upon several ideas implied in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 2 is Grimké's response to Beecher.\\section{Passage 1}Heaven has appointed to one sex the superior, and to the other the subordinate station, and this without any reference to the character or conduct of either. It is therefore as much for the dignity as it isfor the interest of females, in all respects to conform to the duties of this relation. ... But while woman holds a subordinate relation in society to the other sex, it is not because it was designed that her duties or her influence should be any the less important, or 10 all-pervading. But it was designed that the mode of gaining influence and of exercising power should be altogether different and peculiar....A man may act on society by the collision of intellect, in public debate; he may urge his measures15 by a sense of shame, by fear and by personal interest; he may coerce by the combination of public sentiment; he may drive by physical force, and he does not outstep the boundaries of his sphere. But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to20 woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles.Woman is to win every thing by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her25 wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle. There let every woman become so cultivated and refined in intellect, that her taste and judgment will be respected; so benevolent in feeling30 and action; that her motives will be reverenced;-so unassuming and unambitious, that collision and competition will be banished;-so \"gentle and easy to be entreated,\" as that every heart will repose in her presence; then, the fathers, the husbands, and the35 sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly....A woman may seek the aid of co-operation and combination among her own sex, to assist her in her 40 appropriate offices of piety, charity, maternal and domestic duty; but whatever, in any measure, throws a woman into the attitude of a combatant, either for herself or others - whatever binds her in a party conflict-whatever obliges her in any way to exert 45 coercive influences, throws her out of her appropriate sphere. If these general principles are correct, they are entirely opposed to the plan of arraying females in any Abolition movement.\\section{Passage 2}The investigation of the rights of the slave has led 50 me to a better understanding of my own. I have found the Anti-Slavery cause to be the high school of morals in our land-the school in which human rights are more fully investigated, and better understood and taught, than in any other. Here a 55 great fundamental principle is uplifted and illuminated, and from this central light, rays innumerable stream all around.Human beings have rights, because they are moral beings: the rights of all men grow out of their moral 60 nature; and as all men have the same moral nature, they have essentially the same rights. These rights may be wrested from the slave, but they cannot be alienated: his title to himself is as perfect now, as is that of Lyman Beecher: ${ }^{1}$ it is stamped on his moral 65 being, and is, like it, imperishable. Now if rights are founded in the nature of our moral being, then the mere circumstance of sex does not give to man higher rights and responsibilities, than to woman. To suppose that it does, would be to deny the 70 self-evident truth, that the \"physical constitution is the mere instrument of the moral nature.\" To suppose that it does, would be to break up utterly the relations, of the two natures, and to reverse their functions, exalting the animal nature into a monarch, 75 and humbling the moral into a slave; making the former a proprietor, and the latter its property.When human beings are regarded as moral beings, sex, instead of being enthroned upon the summit, administering upon rights and80 responsibilities, sinks into insignificance and nothingness. My doctrine then is, that whatever it is morally right for man to do, it is morally right for woman to do. Our duties originate, not from difference of sex, but from the diversity of our85 relations in life, the various gifts and talents committed to our care, and the different eras in which we live.1 Lyman Beecher was a famous minister and the father of Catharine Beecher.\nQ: Based on the passages, both authors would agree with which of the following claims?\nChoices:\nA.) Men often work selflessly for political change.\nB.) The ethical obligations of women are often undervalued.\nC.) Political activism is as important for women as it is for men.\nD.) Women have moral duties and responsibilities.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: According to the passage, Maguire's findings regarding taxi drivers are significant because they\nChoices:\nA.) challenge the authenticity of previous data.\nB.) call into question an earlier consensus.\nC.) provide evidence for a popular viewpoint.\nD.) demonstrate the validity of a new method.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: Which question was Maguire's study of mental athletes primarily intended to answer?\nChoices:\nA.) Do mental athletes inherit their unusual brain structures, or do the structures develop as a result of specific activities?\nB.) Does heightened memorization ability reflect abnormal brain structure or an unusual use of normal brain structure?\nC.) What is the relationship between general cognitive ability and the unusual brain structures of mental athletes?\nD.) Does the act of memorization make use of different brain structures than does the act of navigation?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: According to the passage, when compared to mental athletes, the individuals in the control group in Maguire's second study\nChoices:\nA.) demonstrated a wider range of cognitive ability.\nB.) exhibited different patterns of brain activity.\nC.) displayed noticeably smaller hippocampal regions.\nD.) showed less brain activity overall.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In 2000, a neuroscientist at University College London named Eleanor Maguire wanted to find out what effect, if any, all that driving around the labyrinthine streets of London might have oncabbies' brains. When she brought sixteen taxi drivers into her lab and examined their brains in an MRI scanner, she found one surprising and important difference. The right posterior hippocampus, a part of the brain known to beinvolved in spatial navigation, was 7 percent larger than normal in the cabbies-a small but very significant difference. Maguire concluded that all of that way-finding around London had physically altered the gross structure of their brains. The moreyears a cabbie had been on the road, the more pronounced the effect.The brain is a mutable organ, capable-within limits-of reorganizing itself and readapting to new kinds of sensory input, a phenomenon known asneuroplasticity. It had long been thought that the adult brain was incapable of spawning new neurons-that while learning caused synapses to rearrange themselves and new links between brain cells to form, the brain's basic anatomical structurewas more or less static. Maguire's study suggested the old inherited wisdom was simply not true.After her groundbreaking study of London cabbies, Maguire decided to turn her attention to mental athletes. She teamed up with ElizabethValentine and John Wilding, authors of the academic monograph Superior Memory, to study ten individuals who had finished near the top of the World Memory Championship. They wanted to find out if the memorizers' brains were-like the Londoncabbies'-structurally different from the rest of ours, or if they were somehow just making better use of memory abilities that we all possess.The researchers put both the mental athletes and a group of matched control subjects into MRI scanners and asked them to memorize three-digit numbers, black-and-white photographs of people's faces, and magnified images of snowflakes, while their brains were being scanned. Maguire and her team thought it was possible that they might discover anatomical 45 differences in the brains of the memory champs, evidence that their brains had somehow reorganized themselves in the process of doing all that intensive remembering. But when the researchers reviewed the imaging data, not a single significant structural50 difference turned up. The brains of the mental athletes appeared to be indistinguishable from those of the control subjects. What's more, on every single test of general cognitive ability, the mental athletes' scores came back well within the normal range. The 55 memory champs weren't smarter, and they didn't have special brains.But there was one telling difference between the brains of the mental athletes and the control subjects: When the researchers looked at which parts of the 60 brain were lighting up when the mental athletes were memorizing, they found that they were activating entirely different circuitry. According to the functional MRIs [fMRIs], regions of the brain that were less active in the control subjects seemed to be 65 working in overdrive for the mental athletes.Surprisingly, when the mental athletes were learning new information, they were engaging several regions of the brain known to be involved in two specific tasks: visual memory and spatial70 navigation, including the same right posterior hippocampal region that the London cabbies had enlarged with all their daily way-finding. At first glance, this wouldn't seem to make any sense. Why would mental athletes be conjuring images in 75 their mind's eye when they were trying to learn three-digit numbers? Why should they be navigating like London cabbies when they're supposed to be remembering the shapes of snowflakes?Maguire and her team asked the mental athletes 80 to describe exactly what was going through their minds as they memorized. The mental athletes said they were consciously converting the information they were being asked to memorize into images, and distributing those images along familiar spatial85 journeys. They weren't doing this automatically, or because it was an inborn talent they'd nurtured since childhood. Rather, the unexpected patterns of neural activity that Maguire's fMRIs turned up were the result of training and practice\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that mental athletes are successful at memorization because they\nChoices:\nA.) exercise their brains regularly through puzzles and other mental challenges\nB.) convert information they are trying to memorize into abstract symbols.\nC.) exploit parts of the brain not normally used in routine memorization.\nD.) organize information into numerical lists prior to memorization.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: Which choice best describes a major theme of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The restorative power of parental love\nB.) The moral purity of young children\nC.) The bittersweet brevity of childhood naïveté\nD.) The corrupting influence of a materialistic society\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: As compared with Silas's gold, Eppie is portrayed as having more\nChoices:\nA.) vitality.\nB.) protection.\nC.) durability.\nD.) self-sufficiency.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: Which statement best describes a technique the narrator uses to represent Silas's character before he adopted Eppie?\nChoices:\nA.) The narrator demonstrates Silas's former lack of self-awareness by implying that he is unable to recall life before Eppie.\nB.) The narrator underscores Silas's former greed by describing his gold as seeming to reproduce on its own.\nC.) The narrator emphasizes Silas's former obsession with wealth by depicting his gold as requiring certain behaviors on his part.\nD.) The narrator hints at Silas's former antisocial attitude by contrasting his present behavior toward his neighbors with his past behavior toward them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: According to the narrator, one consequence of Silas adopting Eppie is that he\nChoices:\nA.) looks forward to a different kind of future\nB.) has renounced all desire for money.\nC.) better understands his place in nature.\nD.) seems more accepting of help from others.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Unlike the gold which needed nothing, and must be worshipped in close-locked solitude - which was hidden away from the daylight, was deaf to the song of birds, and started to no human tones-Eppie was a 5 creature of endless claims and ever-growing desires, seeking and loving sunshine, and living sounds, and living movements; making trial of everything, with trust in new joy, and stirring the human kindness in all eyes that looked on her. The gold had kept his10 thoughts in an ever-repeated circle, leading to nothing beyond itself; but Eppie was an object compacted of changes and hopes that forced his thoughts onward, and carried them far away from their old eager pacing towards the same blank15 limit-carried them away to the new things that would come with the coming years, when Eppie would have learned to understand how her father Silas cared for her; and made him look for images of that time in the ties and charities that bound together 20 the families of his neighbors. The gold had asked that he should sit weaving longer and longer, deafened and blinded more and more to all things except the monotony of his loom and the repetition of his web; but Eppie called him away from his weaving, and25 made him think all its pauses a holiday, reawakening his senses with her fresh life, even to the old winter-flies that came crawling forth in the early spring sunshine, and warming him into joy because she had joy.30 And when the sunshine grew strong and lasting, so that the buttercups were thick in the meadows, Silas might be seen in the sunny mid-day, or in the late afternoon when the shadows were lengthening under the hedgerows, strolling out with uncovered35 head to carry Eppie beyond the Stone-pits to where the flowers grew, till they reached some favorite bank where he could sit down, while Eppie toddled to pluck the flowers, and make remarks to the winged things that murmured happily above the bright40 petals, calling \"Dad-dad's\" attention continually by bringing him the flowers. Then she would turn her ear to some sudden bird-note, and Silas learned to please her by making signs of hushed stillness, that they might listen for the note to come again: so that45 when it came, she set up her small back and laughed with gurgling triumph. Sitting on the banks in this way, Silas began to look for the once familiar herbs again; and as the leaves, with their unchanged outline and markings, lay on his palm, there was a sense of 50 crowding remembrances from which he turned away timidly, taking refuge in Eppie's little world, that lay lightly on his enfeebled spirit. As the child's mind was growing into knowledge, his mind was growing into memory: as her lifeunfolded, his soul, long stupefied in a cold narrow prison, was unfolding too, and trembling gradually into full consciousness.It was an influence which must gather force with every new year: the tones that stirred Silas' heart60 grew articulate, and called for more distinct answers; shapes and sounds grew clearer for Eppie's eyes and ears, and there was more that \"Dad-dad\" was imperatively required to notice and account for. Also, by the time Eppie was three years old, she65 developed a fine capacity for mischief, and for devising ingenious ways of being troublesome, which found much exercise, not only for Silas' patience, but for his watchfulness and penetration. Sorely was poor Silas puzzled on such occasions by the incompatible 70 demands of love.\nQ: In describing the relationship between Eppie and Silas, the narrator draws a connection between Eppie's\nChoices:\nA.) physical growth and Silas's painful perception of his own mortality.\nB.) expanding awareness and Silas's increasing engagement with life.\nC.) physical vulnerability and Silas's emotional fragility.\nD.) boundless energy and Silas's insatiable desire for wealth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) explain research conducted to study why some birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation.\nB.) discuss the effects of downdrafts on birds and airplanes.\nC.) describe how squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation.\nD.) illustrate how birds sense air currents through their feathers. The author includes the quotation \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing\"\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: What can reasonably be inferred about the reason Usherwood used northern bald ibises as the subjects of his study?\nChoices:\nA.) The ibises have a body design that is similar to that of a modern airplane.\nB.) The ibises were easily accessible for Usherwood and his team to track and observe.\nC.) The ibises were well acquainted with their migration route.\nD.) Usherwood knew the ibises were familiar with carrying data loggers during migration.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Anyone watching the autumn sky knows that migrating birds fly in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, but scientists have long debated why. A new study of ibises finds that these big-winged birds carefully position theirwingtips and sync their flapping, presumably to catch the preceding bird's updraft-and save energy during flight.There are two reasons birds might fly in a V formation: It may make flight easier, or they're simply following the leader. Squadrons of planes can save fuel by flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation, and many scientists suspect that migrating birds do the same. Models that treated flapping birds like fixed-wing airplanes estimate that they save energy by draftingoff each other, but currents created by airplanes are far more stable than the oscillating eddies coming off of a bird. \"Air gets pretty unpredictable behind a flapping wing,\" says James Usherwood, a locomotor biomechanist at the Royal Veterinary College at theUniversity of London in Hatfield, where the research took place.The study, published in Nature, took advantage of an existing project to reintroduce endangered northern bald ibises (Geronticus eremita) to Europe.Scientists used a microlight plane to show hand-raised birds their ancestral migration route from Austria to Italy. A flock of 14 juveniles carried data loggers specially built by Usherwood and his lab. The device's GPS determined each bird's flight 30 position to within $30 \\mathrm{~cm}$, and an accelerometer showed the timing of the wing flaps.Just as aerodynamic estimates would predict, the birds positioned themselves to fly just behind and to the side of the bird in front, timing their wing beats35 to catch the uplifting eddies. When a bird flew directly behind another, the timing of the flapping reversed so that it could minimize the effects of the downdraft coming off the back of the bird's body. \"We didn't think this was possible,\" Usherwood 40 says, considering that the feat requires careful flight and incredible awareness of one's neighbors. \"Perhaps these big V formation birds can be thought of quite like an airplane with wings that go up and down.\" 45 The findings likely apply to other long-winged birds, such as pelicans, storks, and geese, Usherwood says. Smaller birds create more complex wakes that would make drafting too difficult. The researchers did not attempt to calculate the bird's energy savings50 because the necessary physiological measurements would be too invasive for an endangered species. Previous studies estimate that birds can use 20 percent to percent less energy while flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$.55 \"From a behavioral perspective it's really a breakthrough,\" says David Lentink, a mechanical engineer at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, who was not involved in the work. \"Showing that birds care about syncing their wing 60 beats is definitely an important insight that we didn't have before.\"Scientists do not know how the birds find that aerodynamic sweet spot, but they suspect that the animals align themselves either by sight or65 by sensing air currents through their feathers.Alternatively, they may move around until they find the location with the least resistance. In future studies, the researchers will switch to more common birds, such as pigeons or geese. They plan to70 investigate how the animals decide who sets the course and the pace, and whether a mistake made by the leader can ripple through the rest of the flock to cause traffic jams.\"It's a pretty impressive piece of work as it is, but 75 it does suggest that there's a lot more to learn,\" says Ty Hedrick, a biologist at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, who studies flight aerodynamics in birds and insects. However they do it, he says, \"birds are awfully good hang-glider 80 pilots.\"\nQ: What does the author imply about pelicans, storks, and geese flying in a $\\mathrm{V}$ formation?\nChoices:\nA.) They communicate with each other in the same way as do ibises.\nB.) They expend more energy than do ibises.\nC.) They have the same migration routes as those of ibises.\nD.) They create a similar wake to that of ibises.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: In Passage 1, Tocqueville implies that treatment of men and women as identical in nature would have which consequence?\nChoices:\nA.) Both sexes would be greatly harmed.\nB.) Men would try to reclaim their lost authority.\nC.) Neither sex would feel oppressed.\nD.) Men and women would have privileges they do not need.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: In Passage 2, Mill most strongly suggests that gender roles are resistant to change because they\nChoices:\nA.) benefit the groups and institutions currently in power.\nB.) can be influenced by legislative reforms only indirectly.\nC.) have long served as the basis for the formal organization of society.\nD.) are matters of deeply entrenched tradition.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: Both authors would most likely agree that the changes in gender roles that they describe would be\nChoices:\nA.) inevitable given the economic advantages of gender equality.\nB.) unlikely to provide benefits that outweigh their costs.\nC.) part of a broad social shift toward greater equality.\nD.) at odds with the principles of American democracy.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}I have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately affect that great inequality of man and woman which hasseemed, up to the present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, will raise woman andmake her more and more the equal of man. But here, more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age have taken a freer range.There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on both the same duties, and grant20 to both the same rights; they would mix them in all things-their occupations, their pleasures, their business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a medley of 25 the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and disorderly women.It is not thus that the Americans understand that species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. They admit, that as 30 nature has appointed such wide differences between the physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold that improvement does not consist in making beings 35 so dissimilar do pretty nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfill their respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the manufactures of our age, 40 by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better carried on.\\section{Passage 2}As society was constituted until the last few generations, inequality was its very basis; association 45 grounded on equal rights scarcely existed; to be equals was to be enemies; two persons could hardly coöperate in anything, or meet in any amicable relation, without the law's appointing that one of them should be the superior of the other.50 Mankind have outgrown this state, and all things now tend to substitute, as the general principle of human relations, a just equality, instead of the dominion of the strongest. But of all relations, that between men and women, being the nearest and55 most intimate, and connected with the greatest number of strong emotions, was sure to be the last to throw off the old rule, and receive the new; for, in proportion to the strength of a feeling is the tenacity with which it clings to the forms and60 circumstances with which it has even accidentally become associated. ...... The proper sphere for all human beings is the largest and highest which they are able to attain to. What this is, cannot be ascertained without complete 65 liberty of choice.... Let every occupation be open to all, without favor or discouragement to any, and employments will fall into the hands of those men or women who are found by experience to be most capable of worthily exercising them. There need be70 no fear that women will take out of the hands of men any occupation which men perform better than they. Each individual will prove his or her capacities, in the only way in which capacities can be proved,-by trial; and the world will have the benefit of the best75 faculties of all its inhabitants. But to interfere beforehand by an arbitrary limit, and declare that whatever be the genius, talent, energy, or force of mind, of an individual of a certain sex or class, those faculties shall not be exerted, or shall be exerted only80 in some few of the many modes in which others are permitted to use theirs, is not only an injustice to the individual, and a detriment to society, which loses what it can ill spare, but is also the most effectual way of providing that, in the sex or class so fettered, the85 qualities which are not permitted to be exercised shall not exist.\nQ: Which choice best describes the ways that the two authors conceive of the individual's proper position in society?\nChoices:\nA.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's economic class should determine that individual's position, while Mill believes that class is not a legitimate consideration.\nB.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's position should be determined by what is most beneficial to society, while Mill believes it should be determined by what an individual finds most rewarding. 41\nC.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's temperament should determine that individual's position, while Mill believes that temperament should not be a factor in an individual's position.\nD.) Tocqueville believes that an individual's position should be defined in important ways by that individual's sex, while Mill believes that an individual's abilities should be the determining factor.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the main focus shifts from a\nChoices:\nA.) general discussion of the narrator's love of reading to a portrayal of an influential incident.\nB.) symbolic representation of a skill the narrator possesses to an example of its application.\nC.) depiction of the narrator's father to an examination of an author with whom the narrator becomes enchanted.\nD.) tale about the hardships of the narrator's childhood to an analysis of the effects of those hardships.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that the main reason that the narrator considers Great Expectations to be the best gift he ever received is because\nChoices:\nA.) reading the book convinced him that he wanted to be a writer.\nB.) he'd only ever been given sweets and snacks as gifts in the past.\nC.) the gift meant that Sempere held him in high regard.\nD.) Sempere was a friend of the book's author.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: done\") The narrator indicates that he pays Sempere\nChoices:\nA.) much less for the books than they are worth.\nB.) nothing, because Sempere won't take his money.\nC.) less than Sempere expects him to pay for the books.\nD.) the money he makes selling sweets to the other children.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Even then my only friends were made of paper and ink. At school I had learned to read and write long before the other children. Where my school friends saw notches of ink on incomprehensiblepages, I saw light, streets, and people. Words and the mystery of their hidden science fascinated me, and I saw in them a key with which I could unlock a boundless world, a safe haven from that home, those streets, and those troubled days in which even Icould sense that only a limited fortune awaited me. My father didn't like to see books in the house. There was something about them-apart from the letters he could not decipher-that offended him. He used to tell me that as soon as I was ten he would 15 send me off to work and that I'd better get rid of all my scatterbrained ideas if I didn't want to end up a loser, a nobody. I used to hide my books under the mattress and wait for him to go out or fall asleep so that I could read. Once he caught me reading at night20 and flew into a rage. He tore the book from my hands and flung it out of the window.\"If I catch you wasting electricity again, reading all this nonsense, you'll be sorry.\"My father was not a miser and, despite the 25 hardships we suffered, whenever he could he gave me a few coins so that I could buy myself some treats like the other children. He was convinced that I spent them on licorice sticks, sunflower seeds, or sweets, but I would keep them in a coffee tin under the bed, 30 and when I'd collected four or five reales I'd secretly rush out to buy myself a book.My favorite place in the whole city was the Sempere \\& Sons bookshop on Calle Santa Ana. It smelled of old paper and dust and it was my35 sanctuary, my refuge. The bookseller would let me sit on a chair in a corner and read any book I liked to my heart's content. He hardly ever allowed me to pay for the books he placed in my hands, but when he wasn't looking I'd leave the coins I'd managed to 40 collect on the counter before I left. It was only small change-if I'd had to buy a book with that pittance, I would probably have been able to afford only a booklet of cigarette papers. When it was time for me to leave, I would do so dragging my feet, a weight on $45 \\mathrm{my}$ soul. If it had been up to me, I would have stayed there forever.One Christmas Sempere gave me the best gift I have ever received. It was an old volume, read and experienced to the full.50 \"Great Expectations, by Charles Dickens,\" I read on the cover.I was aware that Sempere knew a few authors who frequented his establishment and, judging by the care with which he handled the volume, I thought 55 perhaps this Mr. Dickens was one of them.\"A friend of yours?\"\"A lifelong friend. And from now on, he's your friend too.\" That afternoon I took my new friend home, 60 hidden under my clothes so that my father wouldn't see it. It was a rainy winter, with days as gray as lead, and I read Great Expectations about nine times, partly because I had no other book at hand, partly because I did not think there could be a better one in 65 the whole world and I was beginning to suspect that Mr. Dickens had written it just for me. Soon I was convinced that I didn't want to do anything else in life but learn to do what Mr. Dickens had done.\nQ: Which statement best characterizes the relationship between Sempere and Charles Dickens?\nChoices:\nA.) Sempere models his own writing after Dickens's style.\nB.) Sempere feels a personal connection to details of Dickens's biography.\nC.) Sempere considers himself to be Dickens's most appreciative reader.\nD.) Sempere is an avid admirer of Dickens's work.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: 80 with the annexation of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican War; and it is so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it there has been agitation and resistance.... Do you think that the nature of man will be changed, that the same 85 causes that produced agitation at one time will not have the same effect at another? In the first paragraph of Passage 1, the main purpose of Douglas's discussion of the growth of the territory and population of the United States is to\nChoices:\nA.) account for the image of the United States as powerful and admirable.\nB.) suggest that the division into free and slave states does not endanger the Union.\nC.) provide context for Douglas's defense of continued expansion.\nD.) imply that Lincoln is unaware of basic facts concerning the country.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: What does Passage 1 suggest about the US government's provisions for the institution of slavery, as framed in the Constitution?\nChoices:\nA.) They provided a good basic structure that does not need to be changed.\nB.) They anticipated the Union's expansion into western territories.\nC.) They included no means for reconciling differences between free states and slave states.\nD.) They were founded on an assumption that slavery was necessary for economic growth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Based on Passage 2, Lincoln would be most likely to agree with which claim about the controversy over slavery?\nChoices:\nA.) It has been exacerbated by the ambiguity of laws regulating the holding of slaves.\nB.) It is fueled in part by differences in religion and social values from state to state.\nC.) It can be ended only if Northern states act unilaterally to abolish slavery throughout the United States.\nD.) It would abate if attempts to introduce slavery to regions where it is not practiced were abandoned.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Which choice identifies a central tension between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Douglas criticizes Lincoln for finding fault with the Constitution, and Lincoln argues that this criticism misrepresents his position.\nB.) Douglas offers an interpretation of federal law that conflicts with Lincoln's, and Lincoln implies that Douglas's interpretation is poorly reasoned. 40\nC.) Douglas proposes changes to federal policies on slavery, but Lincoln argues that such changes would enjoy no popular support.\nD.) Douglas expresses concerns about the economic impact of abolition, but Lincoln dismisses those concerns as irrelevant.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}Mr. Lincoln likens that bond of the Federal Constitution, joining Free and Slave States together, to a house divided against itself, and says that it is contrary to the law of God, and cannot stand.When did he learn, and by what authority does he proclaim, that this Government is contrary to the law of God and cannot stand? It has stood thus divided into Free and Slave States from its organization up to this day. During that period we have increased fromfour millions to thirty millions of people; we have extended our territory from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean; we have acquired the Floridas and Texas, and other territory sufficient to double our geographical extent; we have increased in population,in wealth, and in power beyond any example on earth; we have risen from a weak and feeble power to become the terror and admiration of the civilized world; and all this has been done under aConstitution which Mr. Lincoln, in substance, says isin violation of the law of God; and under a Union divided into Free and Slave States, which Mr. Lincoln thinks, because of such division, cannot stand. Surely, Mr. Lincoln is a wiser man than those who framed the Government....I now come back to the question, why cannot this Union exist forever, divided into Free and Slave States, as our fathers made it? It can thus exist if each State will carry out the principles upon which our institutions were founded; to wit, the right of eachState to do as it pleases, without meddling with its neighbors. Just act upon that great principle, and this Union will not only live forever, but it will extend and expand until it covers the whole continent, and makes this confederacy one grand, ocean-boundRepublic. We must bear in mind that we are yet a young nation, growing with a rapidity unequalled in the history of the world, that our national increase is great, and that the emigration from the old world is increasing, requiring us to expand and acquire newterritory from time to time, in order to give our people land to live upon. If we live upon the principle of State rights and State sovereignty, each State regulating its own affairs and minding its own business, we can go on and extend indefinitely, just 45 as fast and as far as we need the territory... .\\section{Passage 2}In complaining of what I said in my speech at Springfield, in which he says I accepted my nomination for the Senatorship ... he again quotes that portion in which I said that \"a house divided 50 against itself cannot stand.\" Let me say a word in regard to that matter. He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face55 of the country, and the difference in the natural features of the States. I agree to all that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty among us? Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have laws in Louisiana designed to regulate60 the commerce that springs from the production of sugar? Or because we have a different class relative to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They don't make the65 house a \"house divided against itself.\" They are the props that hold up the house and sustain the Union.But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have quarrels over it?70 Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has75 been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again\nQ: Both passages discuss the issue of slavery in relationship to\nChoices:\nA.) the expansion of the Union.\nB.) religious toleration.\nC.) laws regulating commerce.\nD.) questions of morality.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: The primary purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) discuss findings that offer a scientific explanation for the Venus flytrap's closing action.\nB.) provide a brief overview of the Venus flytrap and its predatory behavior.\nC.) identify the process by which the Venus flytrap's closing action has evolved.\nD.) present research that suggests that the Venus flytrap's predatory behavior is both complex and unique among plants.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, a significant advantage of the Venus flytrap's requirement for multiple triggers is that it\nChoices:\nA.) safeguards the plant's energy supply.\nB.) prevents the plant from closing before capturing its prey.\nC.) enables the plant to identify the species of its prey.\nD.) conserves the plant's calcium reserves.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: According to the passage, which statement best explains why the Venus flytrap requires a second trigger hair to be touched within a short amount of time in order for its trap to close?\nChoices:\nA.) The second trigger produces an electrical charge that reverses the charge produced by the first trigger.\nB.) The second trigger provides a necessary supplement to the calcium concentration released by the first trigger.\nC.) The second trigger stabilizes the surge of calcium ions created by the first trigger.\nD.) The second trigger prompts the calcium channels to open.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Which choice describes a scenario in which Hodick and Sievers's model predicts that a Venus flytrap will NOT close around an insect?\nChoices:\nA.) A large insect's contact with a second trigger hair occurs within ten seconds of its contact with the first trigger hair.\nB.) A large insect's second contact with the plant's trigger hairs results in a total calcium ion concentration above the trap's threshold.\nC.) A large insect makes contact with a second trigger hair after a period of inactivity during which calcium ion concentrations have diminished appreciably.\nD.) A large insect's contact with the plant's trigger hairs causes calcium channels to open in the trap.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, what potential criticism might be made of Volkov's testing of Hodick and Sievers's model?\nChoices:\nA.) Volkov's direct application of an electrical current would have been objectionable to Hodick and Sievers.\nB.) Volkov's measurements did not corroborate a central element of Hodick and Sievers's model.\nC.) Volkov's understanding of Hodick and Sievers's model was incorrect.\nD.) Volkov's technology was not available to Hodick and Sievers.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The Venus flytrap [Dionaea muscipula] needs to know when an ideal meal is crawling across its leaves. Closing its trap requires a huge expense of energy, and reopening the trap can take several hours, soDionaea only wants to spring closed when it's sure that the dawdling insect visiting its surface is large enough to be worth its time. The large black hairs on their lobes allow the Venus flytraps to literally feel their prey, and they act as triggers that spring thetrap closed when the proper prey makes its way across the trap. If the insect touches just one hair, the trap will not spring shut; but a large enough bug will likely touch two hairs within about twenty seconds, and that signal springs the Venus flytrap into action.We can look at this system as analogous to short-term memory. First, the flytrap encodes the information (forms the memory) that something (it doesn't know what) has touched one of its hairs. Then it stores this information for a number of 20 seconds (retains the memory) and finally retrieves this information (recalls the memory) once a second hair is touched. If a small ant takes a while to get from one hair to the next, the trap will have forgotten the first touch by the time the ant brushes up against25 the next hair. In other words, it loses the storage of the information, doesn't close, and the anthappily meanders on. How does the plant encode and store the information from the unassuming bug's encounter with the first hair? How does it30 remember the first touch in order to react upon the second?Scientists have been puzzled by these questions ever since John Burdon-Sanderson's early report on the physiology of the Venus flytrap in 1882 . A35 century later, Dieter Hodick and Andreas Sievers at the University of Bonn in Germany proposed that the flytrap stored information regarding how many hairs have been touched in the electric charge of its leaf. Their model is quite elegant in its simplicity.40 In their studies, they discovered that touching a trigger hair on the Venus flytrap causes an electric action potential [a temporary reversal in the electrical polarity of a cell membrane] that induces calcium channels to open in the trap (this 45 coupling of action potentials and the opening of calcium channels is similar to the processes that occur during communication between human neurons), thus causing a rapid increase in the concentration of calcium ions.They proposed that the trap requires a relatively high concentration of calcium in order to close and that a single action potential from just one trigger hair being touched does not reach this level. Therefore, a second hair needs to be stimulated to 55 push the calcium concentration over this threshold and spring the trap. The encoding of the information requires maintaining a high enough level of calcium so that a second increase (triggered by touching the second hair) pushes the total concentration of 60 calcium over the threshold. As the calcium ion concentrations dissipate over time, if the second touch and potential don't happen quickly, the final concentration after the second trigger won't be high enough to close the trap, and the memory is lost.65 Subsequent research supports this model. Alexander Volkov and his colleagues at Oakwood University in Alabama first demonstrated that it is indeed electricity that causes the Venus flytrap to close. To test the model they rigged up very fine70 electrodes and applied an electrical current to the open lobes of the trap. This made the trap close without any direct touch to its trigger hairs (while they didn't measure calcium levels, the current likely led to increases). When they modified this 75 experiment by altering the amount of electrical current, Volkov could determine the exact electrical charge needed for the trap to close. As long as fourteen microcoulombs-a tiny bit more than the static electricity generated by rubbing two balloons80 together-flowed between the two electrodes, the trap closed. This could come as one large burst or as a series of smaller charges within twenty seconds. If it took longer than twenty seconds to accumulate the total charge, the trap would remain open\nQ: Based on the passage, in studying the Venus flytrap, Volkov and his colleagues made the most extensive use of which type of evidence?\nChoices:\nA.) Published theories of scientists who developed earlier models of the Venus flytrap\nB.) Analysis of data collected from previous researchers' work involving the Venus flytrap's response to electricity\nC.) Information obtained from monitoring the Venus flytrap's response to varying amounts of electrical current\nD.) Mathematical models to predict the electrical charge required to close the Venus flytrap\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A character's visit to her family's ink shop deepens her appreciation of her family's work.\nB.) A character's arrival at her family's ink shop sparks fond memories of her favorite aunt.\nC.) A character's surprise visit leads to a happy reunion at her family's ink shop.\nD.) A character comes to understand her father's ambitions while visiting her family's ink shop.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: A main theme of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) creativity needs to be expressed concretely.\nB.) family relationships should be nurtured.\nC.) quality is achieved through deliberate effort.\nD.) hard work results in material compensation.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Throughout the passage, the narrator is portrayed as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) anxious about her responsibilities.\nB.) attuned to her immediate surroundings.\nC.) reserved around unfamiliar people.\nD.) sympathetic to the needs of others.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: Throughout the passage, the narrator is portrayed as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) reserved around unfamiliar people.\nB.) anxious about her responsibilities.\nC.) attuned to her immediate surroundings.\nD.) sympathetic to the needs of others.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: At last, Old Widow Lau was done haggling with the driver and we stepped inside Father's shop. It was north-facing, quite dim inside, and perhaps this was why Father did not see us at first. He was busy with a 5 customer, a man who was distinguished-looking, like the scholars of two decades before. The two men were bent over a glass case, discussing the different qualities of inksticks. Big Uncle welcomed us and invited us to be seated. From his formal tone, I knew10 he did not recognize who we were. So I called his name in a shy voice. And he squinted at me, then laughed and announced our arrival to Little Uncle, who apologized many times for not rushing over sooner to greet us. They rushed us to be seated at one15 of two tea tables for customers. Old Widow Lau refused their invitation three times, exclaiming that my father and uncles must be too busy for visitors. She made weak efforts to leave. On the fourth insistence, we finally sat. Then Little Uncle brought20 us hot tea and sweet oranges, as well as bamboo latticework fans with which to cool ourselves.I tried to notice everything so I could later tell GaoLing what I had seen, and tease out her envy. The floors of the shop were of dark wood, polished and 25 clean, no dirty footprints, even though this was during the dustiest part of the summer. And along the walls were display cases made of wood and glass. The glass was very shiny and not one pane was broken. Within those glass cases were our silk-30 wrapped boxes, all our hard work. They looked so much nicer than they had in the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village.I saw that Father had opened several of the boxes. He set sticks and cakes and other shapes on a silk 35 cloth covering a glass case that served as a table on which he and the customer leaned. First he pointed to a stick with a top shaped like a fairy boat and said with graceful importance, \"Your writing will flow as smoothly as a keel cutting through a glassy lake.\"40 He picked up a bird shape: \"Your mind will soar into the clouds of higher thought.\" He waved toward a row of ink cakes embellished with designs of peonies and bamboo: \"Your ledgers will blossom into abundance while bamboo surrounds your quiet 45 mind.\"As he said this, Precious Auntie came back into mind. I was remembering how she taught me that everything, even ink, had a purpose and a meaning: Good ink cannot be the quick kind, ready to pour out 50 of a bottle. You can never be an artist if your work comes without effort. That is the problem of modern ink from a bottle. You do not have to think. You simply write what is swimming on the top of your brain. And the top is nothing but pond scum, dead 55 leaves, and mosquito spawn. But when you push an inkstick along an inkstone, you take the first step to cleansing your mind and your heart. You push and you ask yourself, What are my intentions? What is in my heart that matches my mind? 60 I remembered this, and yet that day in the ink shop, I listened to what Father was saying, and his words became far more important than anything Precious Auntie had thought. \"Look here,\" Father said to his customer, and I looked. He held up an65 inkstick and rotated it in the light. \"See? It's the right hue, purple-black, not brown or gray like the cheap brands you might find down the street. And listen to this.\" And I heard a sound as clean and pure as a small silver bell. \"The high-pitched tone tells you that 70 the soot is very fine, as smooth as the sliding banks of old rivers. And the scent-can you smell the balance of strength and delicacy, the musical notes of the ink's perfume? Expensive, and everyone who sees you using it will know that it was well worth the high 75 price.\"I was very proud to hear Father speak of our family's ink this way.\nQ: The narrator indicates that the contrast between the ink-making studio at Immortal Heart village and her family's ink shop is that the ink shop\nChoices:\nA.) provides greater individual attention to customers.\nB.) offers a larger space for presenting products.\nC.) is more conveniently located for the public.\nD.) displays the family's ink more impressively.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: 1 A quotation from the Declaration of Independence Smith's main purpose in the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) argue that the causes of abolition and women's rights are continuations of the spirit of the American Revolution.\nB.) encourage women to see their participation in the abolitionist cause as just and important.\nC.) make the case that women's rights are meaningless while slavery exists.\nD.) accuse fellow abolitionists of overlooking the contributions that women have made to the movement.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: Which statement provides the best description of a technique that Smith uses throughout the passage to advance her main point?\nChoices:\nA.) She presents claims in the form of rhetorical questions that mostly have implicit negative answers.\nB.) She criticizes her opponents by quoting self-contradictory remarks they have made.\nC.) She illustrates each of her central ideas with an emotionally powerful anecdote.\nD.) She emphasizes the reasonableness of her views by presenting them as though they are universally held.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the first paragraph?\nChoices:\nA.) Smith rejects a claim and elaborates on her reasons for doing so.\nB.) Smith introduces her subject and provides historical background for understanding it.\nC.) Smith explains a conventional viewpoint and presents evidence supporting it.\nD.) Smith identifies a problem and proposes steps to remedy it.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: In the passage, Smith argues that it is possible for women to engage in which activity?\nChoices:\nA.) Acting according to humanitarian principles while preserving their femininity\nB.) Adhering to personal morality while being politically neutral\nC.) Resisting calls for war while still opposing slavery\nD.) Contributing to their family's financial security while meeting social expectations\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: laws\") According to Smith, the US Constitution requires which action on the part of the Northern free states if slaves were to revolt?\nChoices:\nA.) The Northern states would have to provide financial assistance to the rebelling slaves.\nB.) The Northern states would have to help the slave states fight the slaves' rebellion.\nC.) The Northern states would have to give shelter to refugees from the slave states.\nD.) The Northern states would have to sever ties with the slave states.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: We are told that it is not within the \"province of woman,\" to discuss the subject of slavery; that it is a \"political question,\" and we are \"stepping out of our sphere,\" when we take part in its discussion. It is nottrue that it is merely a political question, it is likewise a question of justice, of humanity, of morality, of religion; a question which, while it involves considerations of immense importance to the welfare and prosperity of our country, enters deeply into thehome-concerns, the every-day feelings of millions of our fellow beings. Whether the laborer shall receive the reward of his labor, or be driven daily to unrequited toil-whether he shall walk erect in the dignity of conscious manhood, or be reckonedamong the beasts which perish - whether his bones and sinews shall be his own, or another's-whether his child shall receive the protection of its natural guardian, or be ranked among the live-stock of the estate, to be disposed of as the caprice or interest ofthe master may dictate $\\_\\ldots$ these considerations are all involved in the question of liberty or slavery.And is a subject comprehending interests of such magnitude, merely a \"political question,\" and one in which woman \"can take no part without losingsomething of the modesty and gentleness which are her most appropriate ornaments\"? May not the \"ornament of a meek and quiet spirit\" exist with an upright mind and enlightened intellect, and must woman necessarily be less gentle because her heart isopen to the claims of humanity, or less modest because she feels for the degradation of her enslaved sisters, and would stretch forth her hand for their rescue?By the Constitution of the United States, the whole physical power of the North is pledged for the suppression of domestic insurrections, and should the slaves, maddened by oppression, endeavor to shake off the yoke of the taskmaster, the men of the North are bound to make common cause with the 40 tyrant, and put down, at the point of the bayonet, every effort on the part of the slave, for the attainment of his freedom. And when the father, husband, son, and brother shall have left their homes to mingle in the unholy warfare, \"to become the 45 executioners of their brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands,\"1 will the mother, wife, daughter, and sister feel that they have no interest in this subject? Will it be easy to convince them that it is no concern of theirs, that their homes are rendered desolate, and50 their habitations the abodes of wretchedness?Surely this consideration is of itself sufficient to arouse the slumbering energies of woman, for the overthrow of a system which thus threatens to lay in ruins the fabric of her domestic happiness; and she55 will not be deterred from the performance of her duty to herself, her family, and her country, by the cry of political question.But admitting it to be a political question, have we no interest in the welfare of our country? May we not60 permit a thought to stray beyond the narrow limits of our own family circle, and of the present hour? May we not breathe a sigh over the miseries of our countrymen, nor utter a word of remonstrance against the unjust laws that are crushing them to the 65 earth? Must we witness \"the headlong rage or heedless folly,\" with which our nation is rushing onward to destruction, and not seek to arrest its downward course? Shall we silently behold the land which we love with all the heart-warm affection of70 children, rendered a hissing and a reproach throughout the world, by this system which is already tolling the death-bell of her decease among the nations? No: the events of the last two years have cast their dark shadows before, overclouding the bright75 prospects of the future, and shrouding the destinies of our country in more than midnight gloom, and we cannot remain inactive. Our country is as dear to us as to the proudest statesman, and the more closely our hearts cling to \"our altars and our homes,\" the80 more fervent are our aspirations that every inhabitant of our land may be protected in his fireside enjoyments by just and equal laws; that the foot of the tyrant may no longer invade the domestic sanctuary, nor his hand tear asunder those whom85 God himself has united by the most holy ties. Let our course, then, still be onward!\nQ: In the passage, Smith most strongly suggests that slavery affects the United States by\nChoices:\nA.) weakening the authority of the country's government.\nB.) causing violent conflicts in many areas of the country.\nC.) leading many women to disavow their allegiance to the country.\nD.) lowering the country's reputation in the international community.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The first paragraph of Passage 1 primarily serves to\nChoices:\nA.) introduce a controversy that the study described in the passage is intended to resolve.\nB.) identify a problem that the research discussed in the passage may help to address.\nC.) present a claim that is supported and developed over the course of the passage.\nD.) offer a theory that is challenged by the findings presented in the passage.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The author of Passage 1 suggests that an advantage of the method Lewis's team used to grow microorganisms is that it\nChoices:\nA.) identifies the requirements for soil bacteria to thrive and replicates those features in artificial soil.\nB.) allows researchers to make use of soil bacteria that they had previously been unable to exploit.\nC.) directly affects the cell walls of bacteria rather than the proteins those bacteria produce.\nD.) enables soil bacteria to take in more nutrients than they typically consume in natural settings.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: The author of Passage 2 would most likely agree with which statement about the development of teixobactin?\nChoices:\nA.) It casts doubt on the practicality of searching for new antibiotics in exotic environments.\nB.) It confirms a long-held belief about a potential source of new antibiotics.\nC.) It reveals that some antibiotics are effective against gram-negative bacteria.\nD.) It shows that conventional methods can still yield new types of antibiotics.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: In the last sentence of Passage 2, the author uses the phrase \"five years and $\\pounds 500$ million\" primarily to\nChoices:\nA.) emphasize the scale of the effort needed to make teixobactin available for consumer use.\nB.) compare the amount of money spent developing teixobactin with the amount spent developing other antibiotics\nC.) criticize the level of funding that the government has committed to teixobactin development.\nD.) underscore the amount of time and money that has already been spent researching teixobactin.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Which choice best describes the relationship between Passage 1 and Passage 2?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 takes a dismissive stance regarding the findings mentioned in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 offers an evaluation of the significance of the research discussed in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 uses concrete examples to illustrate concepts considered in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 suggests a modification to the methodology described in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Both passages make the point that teixobactin could be useful in\nChoices:\nA.) shaping a new method of studying the effectiveness of antibiotics.\nB.) standardizing the future development of antibiotics produced in laboratory environments.\nC.) combating infections that are no longer responding to treatment with other antibiotics.\nD.) controlling the spread of pathogenic soil fungi.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: \\section{Passage 1}\"Pathogens are acquiring resistance faster than we can introduce new antibiotics, and this is causing a human health crisis,\" says biochemist Kim Lewis of Northeastern University.Lewis is part of a team that recently unveiled a promising antibiotic, born from a new way to tap the powers of soil microorganisms. In animal tests, teixobactin proved effective at killing off a wide variety of disease-causing bacteria-even those thathave developed immunity to other drugs. The scientists' best efforts to create mutant bacteria with resistance to the drug failed, meaning teixobactin could function effectively for decades before pathogens naturally evolve resistance to it.Natural microbial substances from soil bacteria and fungi have been at the root of most antibiotic drug development during the past century. But only about one percent of these organisms can be grown in a lab. The rest, in staggering numbers, haveremained uncultured and of limited use to medical science, until now. \"Instead of trying to figure out the ideal conditions for each and every one of the millions of organisms out there in the environment, to allow them to grow in the lab, we simply growthem in their natural environment where they already have the conditions they need for growth,\" Lewis says.To do this, the team designed a gadget that sandwiches a soil sample between two membranes,each perforated with pores that allow molecules like nutrients to diffuse through but don't allow the passage of cells. \"We just use it to trick the bacteria into thinking that they are in their natural environment,\" Lewis says.The team isolated 10,000 strains of uncultured soil bacteria and prepared extracts from them that could be tested against nasty pathogenic bacteria.Teixobactin emerged as the most promising drug.Mice infected with bacteria that cause upper respiratory tract infections (including Staphylococcus aureus and Streptococcus pneumoniae) were treated with teixobactin, and the drug knocked out the infections with no noticeable toxic effects.It's likely that teixobactin is effective because of the way it targets disease: The drug breaks down bacterial cell walls by attacking the lipid molecules that the cell creates organically. Many other antibiotics target the bacteria's proteins, and the genes that encode those proteins can mutate to 50 produce different structures.\\section{Passage 2}Many good antibiotic families-penicillin, streptomycin, tetracycline-come from soil fungi and bacteria and it has long been suspected that, if we could grow more types of bacteria from soil-or55 from exotic environments, such as deep oceans-then we might find new natural antibiotics. In a recent study, researchers [Kim Lewis and others] found that they could isolate and grow individual soil bacteria-including types that can't normally be60 grown in the laboratory-in soil itself, which supplied critical nutrients and minerals. Once the bacteria reached a critical mass they could be transferred to the lab and their cultivation continued. This simple and elegant methodology is their most 65 important finding to my mind, for it opens a gateway to cultivating a wealth of potentially antibioticproducing bacteria that have never been grown before.The first new antibiotic that they've found by this 70 approach, teixobactin, from a bacterium called Eleftheria terrae, is less exciting to my mind, though it doesn't look bad. Teixobactin killed Gram-positive bacteria, such as S. aureus, in the laboratory, and cured experimental infection in mice. It also killed 75 the tuberculosis bacterium, which is important because there is a real problem with resistant tuberculosis in the developing world. It was also difficult to select teixobactin resistance.So, what are my caveats? Well, I see three. First, 80 teixobactin isn't a potential panacea. It doesn't kill the Gram-negative opportunists as it is too big to cross their complex cell wall. Secondly, scaling to commercial manufacture will be challenging, since the bacteria making the antibiotic are so difficult to85 grow. And, thirdly, it's early days yet. As with any antibiotic, teixobactin now faces the long haul of clinical trials: Phase I to see what dose you can safely give the patient, Phase II to see if it cures infections, and Phase III to compare its efficacy to that of 90 \"standard of care treatment.\" That's going to take five years and $\\pounds 500$ million and these are numbers we must find ways to reduce (while not compromising safety) if we're to keep ahead of bacteria, which can evolve far more swiftly and cheaply.\nQ: Information in Passage 2 best supports which conclusion about the mice in the experiment described in Passage 1?\nChoices:\nA.) Their upper respiratory tract infections were likely not caused by gram-negative bacteria.\nB.) Teixobactin attacked the proteins of the bacteria that caused their upper respiratory tract infections.\nC.) Gram-positive bacteria enhanced the effectiveness of teixobactin against their upper respiratory tract infections.\nD.) Exposure to teixobactin made them less susceptible to subsequent upper respiratory tract infections.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} {"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: Which choice best describes what happens in the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) The narrator recounts the events that led another character to support her project.\nB.) The narrator discusses shared professional interests with another character.\nC.) The narrator struggles to understand the motivations of another character.\nD.) The narrator reflects on how the behavior of another character has changed.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: According to the passage, Tiffany looks forward tothe upcoming World’s Columbian Exposition inChicago as an opportunity to\nChoices:\nA.) gain greater popular recognition.\nB.) sell many decorative objects.\nC.) showcase pieces that have earned critical acclaim.\nD.) collaborate with other famous artists.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: The narrator indicates that Tiffany informs her ofhis new projects by\nChoices:\nA.) asking her opinion of the watercolor paintings he plans to exhibit in Chicago.\nB.) displaying a chart that shows the placement of the artworks he plans to exhibit in Chicago.\nC.) showing a series of plans for stained glass windows he intends to construct.\nD.) presenting several finished stained glass windows and describing them in detail.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passagethat the narrator’s talents include an ability to\nChoices:\nA.) provide authoritative critiques of classical artworks.\nB.) enhance an existing idea by improvising technical innovations for artworks.\nC.) devise imaginative names for the colors of the glass she works with.\nD.) create detailed sketches on which larger artworks are based.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) propose a new solution to an ongoing problem.\nB.) describe the causes and consequences of a phenomenon.\nC.) critique the methodology used to arrive at new findings.\nD.) question whether recent research has practical applications.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: Based on the passage, which choice best describesthe relationship between Frick and Rodríguez-Pose’sfirst and second studies?\nChoices:\nA.) The second study corrects a minor error in the research of the first study.\nB.) The second study confirms a hypothesis that they were unable to confirm in the first study.\nC.) The second study builds on the first study’s findings.\nD.) The second study offers a more negative interpretation of a recent event than the first study does.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passagethat a megacity’s economic impact on a country is\nChoices:\nA.) relatively equal for developing countries and high-income countries.\nB.) dependent on the types of companies located in the megacity.\nC.) neutralized by the economic cost of maintaining a megacity.\nD.) greater in countries with larger physical land areas.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: According to the graph, during what range of yearsdid the median city population size in developingcountries initially surpass that of high-incomecountries?\nChoices:\nA.) 1965–1970\nB.) 1990–1995\nC.) 2005–2010\nD.) 1980–1985\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: Which claim from the passage is best supported bythe graph?\nChoices:\nA.) The median population of cities in developing countries grew more sharply from 1960 to 2010 than did that of cities in high-income countries.\nB.) Developing countries benefit from having more of the urban population living in smaller and medium-sized cities.\nC.) The addition of 100,000 people in a large city causes an increase in economic growth in high-income countries but causes a decrease in economic growth in developing countries.\nD.) In 1960, more than half of the countries with the largest average city size were high-income countries.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: What does Passage 1 indicate is true of the human genome?\nChoices:\nA.) It has gone through a large number of changes over time.\nB.) It contains many more genes than do the genomes of nonhuman primates.\nC.) It retains only a few of the genes that were present in the genomes of Denisovans.\nD.) It has nearly tripled in size in the last few million years.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, what concept most likely contributed to Haussler’s team’s initial interest in NOTCH2NL?\nChoices:\nA.) Genes that are near one another in a genome usually are duplicated at about the same rate.\nB.) Genes that are related to one another tend to have comparable biological roles in development.\nC.) A single gene typically has varying functions depending on where it is located in a genome.\nD.) Similar genes often play different roles in the development of different species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Which choice best describes a key difference between the passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 1 limits its discussion to evolutionary changes in recent human history, while Passage 2 considers changes occurring over millennia.\nB.) Passage 1 addresses genetic analyses of the brains of human ancestors only, while Passage 2 addresses genetic analyses of the brains of multiple primate species.\nC.) Passage 1 focuses on small-scale genetic changes that influenced brain evolution, while Passage 2 focuses on the influence of large-scale population-level changes.\nD.) Passage 1 refers only to data derived from computer simulations, while Passage 2 refers to data derived from simulations as well as from fossils.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Both passages state that the modern human brain is about three times larger than the brains of\nChoices:\nA.) Neanderthals.\nB.) early hominins.\nC.) bonobos.\nD.) chimpanzees.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: One central theme of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) human rights should be used as a framework for government policy on indigenous issues.\nB.) human rights initiatives should generally receive more funding than health initiatives do.\nC.) expanding legal rights of citizens will not necessarily improve national health outcomes.\nD.) focusing on indigenous peoples’ rights detracts from the more practical concerns of indigenous communities.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: According to Calma, the government’s failure tolink its expenditures on indigenous health initiativesto specific health outcomes is harmful because it\nChoices:\nA.) reinforces negative attitudes about the government’s financial fitness.\nB.) allows the government to evade the obligation to be answerable for its policies.\nC.) perpetuates the pattern of government officials abusing their authority.\nD.) undermines efforts to standardize practices across all departments of the government.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Calma indicates that in the past, the Australiangovernment stressed which aspect of its relationshipto indigenous peoples?\nChoices:\nA.) The regret it has expressed for the injustices it committed against indigenous peoples\nB.) The improvements it has made in indigenous peoples’ living standards\nC.) The financial resources it has devoted to indigenous issues\nD.) The willingness it has shown to meet with indigenous leaders\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Based on the passage, Calma would most likely agreethat programs related to indigenous issues wouldhave a better chance of succeeding if the Australiangovernment\nChoices:\nA.) funded such programs as generously as it funds programs benefiting nonindigenous people.\nB.) empowered indigenous communities to assist in devising and implementing such programs.\nC.) devoted as many resources to such programs as the previous government did.\nD.) modeled such programs on health-care initiatives that have a proven record of success.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Based on the passage, Calma regards the audience ofhis speech as being\nChoices:\nA.) poorly informed about the economic and social conditions found in most indigenous communities.\nB.) overly tolerant of the fact that government initiatives to address the inequality faced by indigenous peoples have not succeeded\nC.) doubtful of the value of discussing indigenous issues within the larger context of human rights.\nD.) skeptical that the specific individuals responsible for the government’s failed policies on indigenous issues will be held accountable.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) discuss a study intended to explain the high number of meteorites on Earth that have come from primitive asteroids.\nB.) describe competing hypotheses about the conditions under which primitive asteroids initially formed.\nC.) present a scientific debate about the prevalence of differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt in the early solar system.\nD.) account for the scarcity of a component of differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt and among meteorites on Earth.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that if collisionalerosion within the asteroid belt was sufficient toexplain the situation discussed in the passage, then,as a result, scientists would expect to find that\nChoices:\nA.) iron fragments in the asteroid belt tend to be smaller than rocky fragments in the asteroid belt.\nB.) Vesta is not the only large differentiated asteroid in the asteroid belt.\nC.) the asteroid belt has far fewer primitive asteroids than it currently does.\nD.) there were originally about as many primitive asteroids as differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: According to the passage, Bottke and his colleaguesexplain the presence of iron fragments in theasteroid belt by asserting that the fragments were\nChoices:\nA.) created relatively close to the Sun and ended up in the asteroid belt due to the gravity of large objects.\nB.) remnants of differentiated asteroids that were destroyed in collisions in the asteroid belt.\nC.) formed in the region of the terrestrial planets but knocked into the asteroid belt by collisions with the parent bodies of primitive asteroids.\nD.) formed on terrestrial planets and ejected into the asteroid belt by collisions with primitive asteroids.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Data in the table best support the conclusion thatthe majority of the mass in the asteroid belt as awhole is in asteroids that are\nChoices:\nA.) primitive.\nB.) basaltic.\nC.) low in reflectivity.\nD.) high in reflectivity.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Assuming that the four largest asteroid belt objectsare among the 11 listed asteroid types, whichstatement about those asteroids is best supported bydata in the table?\nChoices:\nA.) One of them is type K.\nB.) None of them is type V.\nC.) Two of them are the same type.\nD.) None of them is likely to contain carbon.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Taken together, the passage and the table moststrongly suggest that the model proposed by someastronomers would imply which conclusion abouttype C asteroids?\nChoices:\nA.) They are younger than are type M asteroids.\nB.) They have experienced fewer collisions than have type L asteroids.\nC.) They come from type S asteroids that melted.\nD.) They once comprised a smaller portion of the asteroid belt than type V asteroids did.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) An invitation from an old friend prompts a character to reflect on both the past and the present.\nB.) A chance meeting with an old friend inspires a character to start a new life in another country.\nC.) A character’s recent professional success prompts him to provide assistance to an old friend.\nD.) A character reunites with an old friend and discovers that they cannot resume their friendship.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Which choice best describes the state of mind that Gallaher’s return inspires in Little Chandler?\nChoices:\nA.) He is anxious to downplay Gallaher’s achievements in an attempt to make his own look better.\nB.) He admires Gallaher’s rise to fame but is thankful that he himself lives a relatively inconspicuous life.\nC.) He envies Gallaher’s remarkable success and is angry about how Gallaher achieved it.\nD.) He is impressed by Gallaher’s success even though thinking about it calls to mind his own unhappiness.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that one of Little Chandler’s prominent characteristics is that he is\nChoices:\nA.) often unpredictable in his dealings with other people.\nB.) somewhat vain about his personal appearance.\nC.) highly critical of other people’s aspirations.\nD.) excessively boastful of his personal achievements.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Based on the passage, which choice best identifies a contradictory impulse in Little Chandler’s character?\nChoices:\nA.) He derives excitement from placing himself in settings he finds menacing.\nB.) He fixates on a social world that he ultimately believes to be a hollow spectacle.\nC.) He scorns a historical era that he concedes is preferable in some ways to the present.\nD.) He immerses himself in sights and sounds that strike him as ultimately frivolous.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: The main effect of the last paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) convey Little Chandler’s sense that hindsight has lent a degree of inevitability to Gallaher’s success.\nB.) characterize Little Chandler as regretful that he had failed to foresee Gallaher’s success.\nC.) demonstrate that Little Chandler’s confidence in Gallaher has been vindicated by Gallaher’s success.\nD.) suggest the extent to which the news of Gallaher’s success has altered Little Chandler’s memory of him.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Large competitors are often viewed as a major.threat for startups and small companies; big.companies have more financial resources and greater.scale, market power and brand awareness than.smaller ones. However, our research finds that a.smaller brand can actually benefit if consumers can.see the competitive threat it faces from a larger.organization..When a U.S.-based ice cream chain with about 1,400 stores moved within 50 steps of a J.P. Licks ice.cream store in Newton, Massachusetts, some people.expected that J.P. Licks, a small, locally owned.company, would be beaten out of the Newton market..But consumers rallied around J.P. Licks, and the.national chain later closed its nearby location. When.the owner of the Los Angeles-based coffee store chain.The Coffee Bean & Tea Leaf could not stop a large.coffee shop chain from moving in next door, he was.surprised to see his sales shoot up—so much so that.he started proactively colocating new stores next to.large chain ones..These examples are not anomalies. In six lab and.field studies, we explored the effects of having a large,.dominant competitor and found that highlighting a.large competitor’s size and close proximity can help.smaller brands, instead of harming them. Compared.to when they are in competition with brands that are.similar to them in size or when consumers view them.outside of a competitive context, small brands see.consumer support go up when they are faced with a.competitive threat from large brands. This support.translates into higher purchase intention, more.purchases and more favorable online reviews..As part of our research, we conducted a field study.at an independent bookstore in Cambridge,.Massachusetts. Upon entering the bookstore, 163.prospective shoppers were exposed to one of three.versions of an in-store ad, emphasizing either the.store’s large competitors, small competitors or no.competition. Shoppers who read the “large.competitors” version were told that the store’s main.competitors are large corporations that have the.ability to put small businesses such as this bookstore.out of business. The “small competitors” version.indicated the store’s main competitors are other.locally owned small bookstores in Cambridge. In the.“no competition” version, participants were given no.information about the competitive environment..Shoppers were then given a $5 coupon, coded with.the in-store ad version they read. Analyzing.shoppers’ sales receipts and the number of redeemed.coupons, we found that shoppers were significantly.more likely to make a purchase after reading the.“large competitors” version of the in-store ad,.compared to the “small competitors” version or the.“no competition” version. They also purchased more.items and spent more money at the store, compared.to shoppers reading the “small competitors” or “no.competition” versions. These results suggest that.framing the competitive game and emphasizing a.competitive narrative against a larger company can.help a small establishment—and spur consumers to.make a purchase that supports the smaller.competitor..In subsequent studies, we tested this “framing-.the-game” effect in various contexts and product.categories and further found that support for a large.brand decreases when consumers view it as being in.competition with a smaller brand. In one study, we.asked participants to assess two hypothetical rival tire.shops, “Tire World” and “Tire Planet,” under three.conditions—small vs. large, small vs. small or large.vs. large competitors. While participants indicated no.preference for the small or large shop when it was.competing against a competitor of similar size, the.small vs. large competitive context elicited a strong.preference for the small rather than large shop.\nQ: Which choice best describes the overall structure of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) An unexpected claim about consumer behavior is introduced, examples supporting the claim are detailed, and experiments confirming the claim are discussed.\nB.) A debate about an economic theory is outlined, two opposing views on the debate are explained in more detail, and research supporting one of those views is recounted.\nC.) A popular belief about a particular industry is explained, experiments supporting that belief are described, and the implications of the experiments are identified.\nD.) A negative impact of a common business practice is presented, two stories are used as an illustration, and research suggesting improvements is summarized.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Large competitors are often viewed as a major.threat for startups and small companies; big.companies have more financial resources and greater.scale, market power and brand awareness than.smaller ones. However, our research finds that a.smaller brand can actually benefit if consumers can.see the competitive threat it faces from a larger.organization..When a U.S.-based ice cream chain with about 1,400 stores moved within 50 steps of a J.P. Licks ice.cream store in Newton, Massachusetts, some people.expected that J.P. Licks, a small, locally owned.company, would be beaten out of the Newton market..But consumers rallied around J.P. Licks, and the.national chain later closed its nearby location. When.the owner of the Los Angeles-based coffee store chain.The Coffee Bean & Tea Leaf could not stop a large.coffee shop chain from moving in next door, he was.surprised to see his sales shoot up—so much so that.he started proactively colocating new stores next to.large chain ones..These examples are not anomalies. In six lab and.field studies, we explored the effects of having a large,.dominant competitor and found that highlighting a.large competitor’s size and close proximity can help.smaller brands, instead of harming them. Compared.to when they are in competition with brands that are.similar to them in size or when consumers view them.outside of a competitive context, small brands see.consumer support go up when they are faced with a.competitive threat from large brands. This support.translates into higher purchase intention, more.purchases and more favorable online reviews..As part of our research, we conducted a field study.at an independent bookstore in Cambridge,.Massachusetts. Upon entering the bookstore, 163.prospective shoppers were exposed to one of three.versions of an in-store ad, emphasizing either the.store’s large competitors, small competitors or no.competition. Shoppers who read the “large.competitors” version were told that the store’s main.competitors are large corporations that have the.ability to put small businesses such as this bookstore.out of business. The “small competitors” version.indicated the store’s main competitors are other.locally owned small bookstores in Cambridge. In the.“no competition” version, participants were given no.information about the competitive environment..Shoppers were then given a $5 coupon, coded with.the in-store ad version they read. Analyzing.shoppers’ sales receipts and the number of redeemed.coupons, we found that shoppers were significantly.more likely to make a purchase after reading the.“large competitors” version of the in-store ad,.compared to the “small competitors” version or the.“no competition” version. They also purchased more.items and spent more money at the store, compared.to shoppers reading the “small competitors” or “no.competition” versions. These results suggest that.framing the competitive game and emphasizing a.competitive narrative against a larger company can.help a small establishment—and spur consumers to.make a purchase that supports the smaller.competitor..In subsequent studies, we tested this “framing-.the-game” effect in various contexts and product.categories and further found that support for a large.brand decreases when consumers view it as being in.competition with a smaller brand. In one study, we.asked participants to assess two hypothetical rival tire.shops, “Tire World” and “Tire Planet,” under three.conditions—small vs. large, small vs. small or large.vs. large competitors. While participants indicated no.preference for the small or large shop when it was.competing against a competitor of similar size, the.small vs. large competitive context elicited a strong.preference for the small rather than large shop.\nQ: The studies in the passage suggest that if customers of a large chain bookstore were given information focusing on the store's small competitors, a likely result is that the large store would\nChoices:\nA.) receive more positive reviews from its customers.\nB.) lose customers who would now see it as a competitor of the smaller shops.\nC.) benefit from people's perception that its competition is now even greater.\nD.) gain customers who perceive it as offering more choices than smaller shops.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: According to Passage 1, counting wild tigers is difficult because tigers\nChoices:\nA.) bear a superficial resemblance to other related species.\nB.) move extremely quickly from one location to another.\nC.) exhibit behavior that is potentially threatening to humans.\nD.) reside in environments that are relatively inaccessible to humans.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, what is one factor that may have contributed to the rise in the reported global tiger population?\nChoices:\nA.) Scientists’ understanding of the typical growth rate for populations of endangered species has improved.\nB.) Photographic technology has improved in its ability to detect animals in remote environments.\nC.) Wildlife conservation strategies are more uniform from country to country than they once were.\nD.) Recent measurement techniques used to count animals are more accurate than those used in the past.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: According to Passage 2, the wild tiger population estimate offered by the WWF and the Global Tiger Forum may be flawed as a result of which factor?\nChoices:\nA.) Assumption of stability in population growth over time that is not supported by data\nB.) Generalization from a selection of evidence that is likely incomplete\nC.) Reliance on a new experimental tool that has not been thoroughly tested in the field\nD.) Limitation to data that are more relevant in certain countries than in others\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: Which choice best states the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 challenges the reliability of research results discussed in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 suggests several applications of the conclusions reached in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 compares and critiques the conservation solutions recommended in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 questions the professional credibility of the scientists profiled in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passages that their authors would both agree that wild tiger population sizes are\nChoices:\nA.) beginning to return to the levels recorded in 2010.\nB.) recovering more fully in certain countries than in others.\nC.) responding predictably to aggressive conservation attempts.\nD.) declining steadily despite continual human intervention.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: The author of Passage 2 would most likely respond to the conclusions in the first paragraph of Passage 1 by asserting that such claims\nChoices:\nA.) only apply to certain subspecies of tigers and are therefore inconclusive.\nB.) will offer incentive for countries and regions to invest further in wildlife preservation programs.\nC.) may lead people to believe that tigers are recovering when in fact they continue to require vigilant protection.\nD.) prove that rigorous efforts to protect endangered species result in quick recovery of populations.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: In the passage, Parsons mainly presents herself as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) sympathetic to more than one political perspective.\nB.) rational in her analysis of political history.\nC.) resentful over a recent turn of political events.\nD.) conflicted about the future role of political parties.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: A primary purpose of Parsons’s speech is to\nChoices:\nA.) provide a rationale for adopting a different ideology.\nB.) discuss a political philosophy that is starting to lose favor.\nC.) outline a new approach to meeting the needs of oppressed groups.\nD.) bring to light inconsistencies within the current political system.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: In the passage, Parsons indicates that she once believed that\nChoices:\nA.) government can be used to make changes that citizens hope for.\nB.) mobilization of the few benefits the majority.\nC.) progress occurs when everyone works together toward a common goal.\nD.) majority rule eliminates the need for individual activism.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: According to the passage, Tiffany looks forward tothe upcoming World’s Columbian Exposition inChicago as an opportunity to\nChoices:\nA.) sell many decorative objects.\nB.) showcase pieces that have earned critical acclaim.\nC.) gain greater popular recognition.\nD.) collaborate with other famous artists.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: The narrator indicates that Tiffany informs her ofhis new projects by\nChoices:\nA.) displaying a chart that shows the placement of the artworks he plans to exhibit in Chicago.\nB.) presenting several finished stained glass windows and describing them in detail.\nC.) asking her opinion of the watercolor paintings he plans to exhibit in Chicago.\nD.) showing a series of plans for stained glass windows he intends to construct.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: “I’ve come to inquire if you have work for me. That is, if.my performance pleased you before.” A deliberate prompt. I.didn’t want to be hired because of my need or his kindness. I.wanted my talent to be the reason he wanted me back..“Indeed” was all he offered..What now to fill the suspended moment? His new.projects. I asked. His eyebrows leapt up in symmetrical.curves..“A Byzantine chapel for the World’s Columbian.Exposition in Chicago next year. Four times bigger than the.Paris Exposition Universelle. It will be the greatest assembly.of artists since the fifteenth century.” He counted on his.fingers and then drummed them on the desk. “Only fifteen.months away. In 1893 the name of Louis Comfort Tiffany.will be on the lips of millions!” He stood up and swung open.his arms wide enough to embrace the whole world..I sensed his open palm somewhere in the air behind the.small of my back, ushering me to his massive, carved.mahogany exhibit table to see his sketches and watercolors..“Two round windows, The Infancy of Christ and Botticelli’s.Madonna and Child, will be set off by a dozen scenic side.windows.”.A huge undertaking. How richly fortunate. Surely there.would be opportunity for me to shine..Practically hopping from side to side, he made a show of.slinging down one large watercolor after another onto the.Persian carpet, each one a precise, fine-edged rendering of.what he wanted the window to be..“Gracious! You’ve been on fire. Go slower! Give me a.chance to admire each one.”.He unrolled the largest watercolor. “An eight-foot.mosaic behind the altar depicting a pair of peacocks.surrounded by grapevines.”.My breath whistled between my open lips. Above the.peacocks facing each other, he had transformed the.standard Christian icon of a crown of thorns into a.shimmering regal headdress for God the King, the thorns.replaced by large glass jewels in true Tiffany style..Astonishing how he could get mere watercolors so deep.and saturated, so like lacquer that they vibrated together as.surely as chords of a great church pipe organ. Even the.names of the hues bore an exotic richness. The peacocks’.necks in emerald green and sapphire blue. The tail feathers.in vermilion, Spanish ocher, Florida gold. The jewels in the.crown mandarin yellow and peridot. The background in.turquoise and cobalt. Oh, to get my hands on those.gorgeous hues. To feel the coolness of the blue glass, like.solid pieces of the sea. To chip the gigantic jewels for the.crown so they would sparkle and send out shafts of light..To forget everything but the glass before me and make of it.something resplendent..When I could trust my voice not to show too much.eagerness, I said, “I see your originality is in good health..Only you would put peacocks in a chapel.”.“Don’t you know?” he said in a spoof of incredulity..“They symbolized eternal life in Byzantine art. Their flesh.was thought to be incorruptible.”.“What a lucky find for you, that convenient tidbit of.information.”.He chuckled, so I was on safe ground..He tossed down more drawings. “A marble-and-mosaic.altar surrounded by mosaic columns, and a baptismal font.of opaque leaded glass and mosaic.”.“This dome is the lid of the basin? In opaque leaded.glass?”.He looked at it with nothing short of love, and showed.me its size with outstretched arms as though he were.hugging the thing..I was struck by a tantalizing idea. “Imagine it reduced in.size and made of translucent glass instead. Once you figure.how to secure the pieces in a dome, that could be the.method and the shape of a lampshade. A wraparound.window of, say”—I looked around the room—“peacock.feathers.”.He jerked his head up with a startled expression, the.idea dawning on him as if it were his own..“Lampshades in leaded glass,” he said in wonder, his.blue eyes sparking..“Just think where that could go,” I whispered.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passagethat the narrator’s talents include an ability to\nChoices:\nA.) create detailed sketches on which larger artworks are based.\nB.) enhance an existing idea by improvising technical innovations for artworks.\nC.) provide authoritative critiques of classical artworks.\nD.) devise imaginative names for the colors of the glass she works with.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) propose a new solution to an ongoing problem.\nB.) question whether recent research has practical applications.\nC.) describe the causes and consequences of a phenomenon.\nD.) critique the methodology used to arrive at new findings.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: Based on the passage, which choice best describesthe relationship between Frick and Rodríguez-Pose’sfirst and second studies?\nChoices:\nA.) The second study offers a more negative interpretation of a recent event than the first study does.\nB.) The second study builds on the first study’s findings.\nC.) The second study confirms a hypothesis that they were unable to confirm in the first study.\nD.) The second study corrects a minor error in the research of the first study.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passagethat a megacity’s economic impact on a country is\nChoices:\nA.) greater in countries with larger physical land areas.\nB.) relatively equal for developing countries and high-income countries.\nC.) neutralized by the economic cost of maintaining a megacity.\nD.) dependent on the types of companies located in the megacity.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: According to the graph, during what range of yearsdid the median city population size in developingcountries initially surpass that of high-incomecountries?\nChoices:\nA.) 2005–2010\nB.) 1965–1970\nC.) 1990–1995\nD.) 1980–1985\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: A pair of recent studies suggests that although.industrialized nations may have benefitted from larger.cities, the same is not true for the rapidly urbanizing areas of.the developing world. In these parts of the globe, there really.might be such a thing as too much urbanization, too.quickly..The studies, by Susanne A. Frick and Andrés Rodríguez-.Pose of the London School of Economics, take a close look.at the actual connection between city size and nationwide.economic performance. Their initial study, from last year,.examines the relationship between economic development,.as measured by GDP per capita, and average metropolitan-.area size in 114 countries across the world between 1960.and 2010. To ensure robustness, it controls for variables.including national population size, physical land area,.education levels, economic openness, and other factors..The size of cities or metro areas across the world has.exploded over the past half-century, with cities in the.developing world growing much faster and much larger.than those in more developed nations. Between 1960 and 2010, the median city in high-income countries grew.modestly from 500,000 to 650,000 people; but the median.city in the developing world nearly quadrupled, expanding.from 220,000 to 845,000 people. In 1960, 12 of the top 20.countries with the largest average city size were high-.income countries; by 2010, 14 of the top 20 were in the.developing world..Urbanization has historically been thought of as a.necessary feature of economic development and growth, but.this study finds the connection is not so simple. While.advanced nations benefit from having larger cities,.developing nations do not. Advanced nations experience a 0.7 percent increase in economic growth for every.additional 100,000 in average population among its large.cities over a five-year period. But for developing nations, the.addition of 100,000 people in large cities is associated with a 2.3 percent decrease in economic growth over a five-year.period..In their latest study, the researchers found that.developing nations tend to get a bigger bang for their buck.from smaller and medium-size cities. These countries see.the most economic benefit from having a larger proportion.of their urban population living in cities of 500,000 people.or less. Bigger cities tend to have a more positive economic.impact in larger countries. Having a metro with more than 10 million inhabitants produces a nationwide economic.benefit only if the total urban population is 28.5 million.or more, according to the study. This makes sense:.Bigger, more developed countries are more likely to play.host to knowledge-based industries that require urban.agglomeration economies..There are several reasons why megacities^1 often fail to.spur significant growth in the rapidly urbanizing world..For one, the lion’s share of places that are urbanizing.most rapidly today are in the poorest and least-.developed parts of the world, whereas the places that.urbanized a century or so ago were in the richest and.most developed. This history has created a false.expectation that urbanization is always associated with.prosperity..Additionally, globalization has severed the historical.connection between cities, local agriculture, and local.industry that powered the more balanced urban.economic development of the past. In today’s globally.interconnected economy, the raw materials that flowed.from the surrounding countryside to the city can all be.inexpensively imported from other parts of the world..The result is that the connection between large cities and.growth has now become much more tenuous, producing.a troubling new pattern of “urbanization without.growth.”.The researchers used multiple variables to calculate a weighted average.city size for each country studied and reported the median of those.averages..(^1) Typically defined as cities with populations of over ten million people\nQ: Which claim from the passage is best supported bythe graph?\nChoices:\nA.) Developing countries benefit from having more of the urban population living in smaller and medium-sized cities.\nB.) In 1960, more than half of the countries with the largest average city size were high-income countries.\nC.) The addition of 100,000 people in a large city causes an increase in economic growth in high-income countries but causes a decrease in economic growth in developing countries.\nD.) The median population of cities in developing countries grew more sharply from 1960 to 2010 than did that of cities in high-income countries.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: What does Passage 1 indicate is true of the human genome?\nChoices:\nA.) It has gone through a large number of changes over time.\nB.) It retains only a few of the genes that were present in the genomes of Denisovans.\nC.) It has nearly tripled in size in the last few million years.\nD.) It contains many more genes than do the genomes of nonhuman primates.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, what concept most likely contributed to Haussler’s team’s initial interest in NOTCH2NL?\nChoices:\nA.) Genes that are near one another in a genome usually are duplicated at about the same rate.\nB.) A single gene typically has varying functions depending on where it is located in a genome.\nC.) Genes that are related to one another tend to have comparable biological roles in development.\nD.) Similar genes often play different roles in the development of different species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Which choice best describes a key difference between the passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 1 limits its discussion to evolutionary changes in recent human history, while Passage 2 considers changes occurring over millennia.\nB.) Passage 1 focuses on small-scale genetic changes that influenced brain evolution, while Passage 2 focuses on the influence of large-scale population-level changes.\nC.) Passage 1 refers only to data derived from computer simulations, while Passage 2 refers to data derived from simulations as well as from fossils.\nD.) Passage 1 addresses genetic analyses of the brains of human ancestors only, while Passage 2 addresses genetic analyses of the brains of multiple primate species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.The brains of humans are conspicuously larger than the.brains of other apes, but the human-specific genetic.factors responsible for the uniquely large human.neocortex remain obscure. Since humans split from.chimps, which have brains roughly a third of human size,.the human genome has undergone roughly 15 million.changes. Which of these genetic tweaks could have led to.big brains?.About six years ago, scientists in David Haussler’s lab at.Howard Hughes Medical Institute discovered a gene called.NOTCH2NL. It’s a relative of NOTCH2, a gene that.scientists knew was central to early brain development..NOTCH2 controls vital decisions regarding when and how.many neurons to make..When the Haussler team looked in the official version.of the human genome at that time^1 —version 37—.NOTCH2NL appeared to be located in chromosome 1.near a region linked to abnormal brain size. Delete a hunk.of the region, and brains tend to shrink. Duplicate part of.it, and brains tend to overgrow..“We thought, ‘Oh, this is incredible,’” Haussler said..NOTCH2NL seemed to check all the boxes for a key role.in human brain development. But when the team mapped.NOTCH2NL’s precise location in the genome, they.discovered the gene wasn’t actually in the relevant.chromosomal region after all; the once-promising.candidate seemed to be a dud..“We were downhearted,” Haussler recalled. That all.changed with the next official version of the human.genome—version 38. In this iteration, NOTCH2NL was.located in the crucial region. “And there were three.versions of it,” Haussler exclaimed. Over the last three.million years, his team calculated, NOTCH2NL was.repeatedly copy-pasted into the genome, what he calls “a.series of genetic accidents.”.Genetic analysis of several primate species revealed that.the three genes exist only in humans and their recent.relatives, the Neanderthals and Denisovans, not in.chimpanzees, gorillas, or orangutans. What’s more, the.timing of these genes’ emergence matches up with the.period in the fossil record when our ancestors’ craniums.began to enlarge, Haussler points out. Together, the results.suggest that NOTCH2NL genes played a role in beefing.up human brain size..Passage 2.Modern humans have brains that are more than three.times larger than our closest living relatives,.chimpanzees and bonobos. Scientists don’t agree on.when and how this dramatic increase took place, but.new analysis of 94 hominin fossils shows that average.brain size increased gradually and consistently over the.past three million years..The research, published in The Proceedings of the.Royal Society B, shows that the trend was caused.primarily by evolution of larger brains within.populations of individual species, but the introduction of.new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones also played a part..“Brain size is one of the most obvious traits that.makes us human. It’s related to cultural complexity,.language, tool making and all these other things that.make us unique,” said Andrew Du, PhD, a postdoctoral.scholar at the University of Chicago and first author of.the study. “The earliest hominins had brain sizes like.chimpanzees, and they have increased dramatically since.then. So, it’s important to understand how we got here.”.Du and his colleagues compared published research.data on the skull volumes of 94 fossil specimens from 13.different species, beginning with the earliest.unambiguous human ancestors, Australopithecus, from 3.2 million years ago to pre-modern species, including.Homo erectus, from 500,000 years ago when brain size.began to overlap with that of modern-day humans..The researchers saw that when the species were.counted at the clade level, or groups descending from a.common ancestor, the average brain size increased.gradually over three million years. Looking more closely,.the increase was driven by three different factors,.primarily evolution of larger brain sizes within.individual species populations, but also by the addition.of new, larger-brained species and extinction of smaller-.brained ones..The study quantifies for the first time when and by.how much each of these factors contributes to the clade-.level pattern. Du said he likens it to how a football coach.might build a roster of bigger, strong players. One way.would be to make all the players hit the weight room to.bulk up. But the coach could also recruit new, larger.players and cut the smallest ones..(^1) The reference version of the human genome goes through updates to.more completely map out each chromosomal sequence.\nQ: Both passages state that the modern human brain is about three times larger than the brains of\nChoices:\nA.) chimpanzees.\nB.) Neanderthals.\nC.) early hominins.\nD.) bonobos.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: One central theme of the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) human rights should be used as a framework for government policy on indigenous issues.\nB.) human rights initiatives should generally receive more funding than health initiatives do.\nC.) focusing on indigenous peoples’ rights detracts from the more practical concerns of indigenous communities.\nD.) expanding legal rights of citizens will not necessarily improve national health outcomes.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: According to Calma, the government’s failure tolink its expenditures on indigenous health initiativesto specific health outcomes is harmful because it\nChoices:\nA.) undermines efforts to standardize practices across all departments of the government.\nB.) reinforces negative attitudes about the government’s financial fitness.\nC.) allows the government to evade the obligation to be answerable for its policies.\nD.) perpetuates the pattern of government officials abusing their authority.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Calma indicates that in the past, the Australiangovernment stressed which aspect of its relationshipto indigenous peoples?\nChoices:\nA.) The financial resources it has devoted to indigenous issues\nB.) The improvements it has made in indigenous peoples’ living standards\nC.) The regret it has expressed for the injustices it committed against indigenous peoples\nD.) The willingness it has shown to meet with indigenous leaders\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Based on the passage, Calma would most likely agreethat programs related to indigenous issues wouldhave a better chance of succeeding if the Australiangovernment\nChoices:\nA.) devoted as many resources to such programs as the previous government did.\nB.) funded such programs as generously as it funds programs benefiting nonindigenous people.\nC.) modeled such programs on health-care initiatives that have a proven record of success.\nD.) empowered indigenous communities to assist in devising and implementing such programs.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: For too long now, we have heard it argued that a focus.on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ rights.takes away from a focus on addressing Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples’ disadvantage..This approach is, in my view, seriously flawed for a.number of reasons. It represents a false dichotomy—as if.poorer standards of health, lack of access to housing,.lower attainment in education and higher unemployment.are not human rights issues or somehow they don’t relate.to the cultural circumstances of Indigenous peoples..And it also makes it too easy to disguise any causal.relationship between the actions of government and any.outcomes, and therefore limits the accountability and.responsibilities of government..In contrast, human rights give Aboriginal and Torres.Strait Islander peoples a means for expressing their.legitimate claims to equal goods, services, and most.importantly, the protections of the law—and a standard.that government is required to measure up to..The focus on ‘practical measures’ was exemplified by.the emphasis the previous federal government placed on.the ‘record levels of expenditure’ annually on Indigenous.issues..As I have previously asked, since when did the size of.the input become more important than the intended.outcomes? The... government never explained what the.point of the record expenditure argument was—or what.achievements were made.....And the fact is that there has been no simple way of.being able to decide whether the progress made through.‘record expenditure’ has been ‘good enough’. So the.‘practical’ approach to these issues has lacked any.accountability whatsoever.....If we look back over the past five years in particular....we can also see that a ‘practical’ approach to issues has.allowed governments to devise a whole series of policies.and programs without engaging with Indigenous peoples.in any serious manner. I have previously described this as.the ‘fundamental flaw’ of the federal government’s efforts.over the past five years. That is, government policy that is.applied to Indigenous peoples as passive recipients..Our challenge now is to redefine and understand these.issues as human rights issues..We face a major challenge in ‘skilling up’ government.and the bureaucracy so that they are capable of utilising.human rights as a tool for best practice policy.development and as an accountability mechanism..... In March this year, the Prime Minister, the Leader.of the Opposition, Ministers for Health and Indigenous.Affairs, every major Indigenous and non-Indigenous.peak health body and others signed a Statement of Intent.to close the gap in health inequality which set out how.this commitment would be met. It commits all of these.organisations and government, among other things, to:.- develop a long-term plan of action, that is targeted.to need, evidence-based and capable of addressing.the existing inequities in health services, in order to.achieve equality of health status and life expectancy.between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples and non-Indigenous Australians by 2030..- ensure the full participation of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples and their.representative bodies in all aspects of addressing.their health needs..- work collectively to systematically address the social.determinants that impact on achieving health.equality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.peoples..- respect and promote the rights of Aboriginal and.Torres Strait Islander peoples, and.- measure, monitor, and report on our joint efforts,.in accordance with benchmarks and targets, to.ensure that we are progressively realising our.shared ambitions..These commitments were made in relation to.Indigenous health issues but they form a template for the.type of approach that is needed across all areas of.poverty, marginalisation and disadvantage experienced.by Indigenous peoples..They provide the basis for the cultural shift necessary.in how we conceptualise human rights in this country..Issues of entrenched and ongoing poverty and.marginalisation of Indigenous peoples are human rights.challenges. And we need to lift our expectations of what.needs to be done to address these issues and of what.constitutes sufficient progress to address these issues in.the shortest possible timeframe so that we can realise a.vision of an equal society.\nQ: Based on the passage, Calma regards the audience ofhis speech as being\nChoices:\nA.) skeptical that the specific individuals responsible for the government’s failed policies on indigenous issues will be held accountable.\nB.) doubtful of the value of discussing indigenous issues within the larger context of human rights.\nC.) poorly informed about the economic and social conditions found in most indigenous communities.\nD.) overly tolerant of the fact that government initiatives to address the inequality faced by indigenous peoples have not succeeded\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) account for the scarcity of a component of differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt and among meteorites on Earth.\nB.) discuss a study intended to explain the high number of meteorites on Earth that have come from primitive asteroids.\nC.) describe competing hypotheses about the conditions under which primitive asteroids initially formed.\nD.) present a scientific debate about the prevalence of differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt in the early solar system.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that if collisionalerosion within the asteroid belt was sufficient toexplain the situation discussed in the passage, then,as a result, scientists would expect to find that\nChoices:\nA.) Vesta is not the only large differentiated asteroid in the asteroid belt.\nB.) there were originally about as many primitive asteroids as differentiated asteroids in the asteroid belt.\nC.) iron fragments in the asteroid belt tend to be smaller than rocky fragments in the asteroid belt.\nD.) the asteroid belt has far fewer primitive asteroids than it currently does.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: According to the passage, Bottke and his colleaguesexplain the presence of iron fragments in theasteroid belt by asserting that the fragments were\nChoices:\nA.) created relatively close to the Sun and ended up in the asteroid belt due to the gravity of large objects.\nB.) formed in the region of the terrestrial planets but knocked into the asteroid belt by collisions with the parent bodies of primitive asteroids.\nC.) formed on terrestrial planets and ejected into the asteroid belt by collisions with primitive asteroids.\nD.) remnants of differentiated asteroids that were destroyed in collisions in the asteroid belt.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Data in the table best support the conclusion thatthe majority of the mass in the asteroid belt as awhole is in asteroids that are\nChoices:\nA.) high in reflectivity.\nB.) primitive.\nC.) low in reflectivity.\nD.) basaltic.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Assuming that the four largest asteroid belt objectsare among the 11 listed asteroid types, whichstatement about those asteroids is best supported bydata in the table?\nChoices:\nA.) One of them is type K.\nB.) None of them is likely to contain carbon.\nC.) Two of them are the same type.\nD.) None of them is type V.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Scientists believe that iron meteorites come from.the cores of asteroids that melted. But what happened.to the corresponding rocky material that formed the.mantles of these bodies? A few asteroids have spectra^1.that match those of mantle rocks, but they are very.rare. Some nonmetallic meteorites come from.asteroids that have partially or wholly melted, but.these do not match the minerals we would expect to.see in the missing mantles of the iron parent bodies..These exotic meteorites must come from some other.kind of parent body instead..The rarity of mantle rocks in our meteorite.collection and in the asteroid belt, known as the.“missing mantle problem,” is a long-standing puzzle..There are several reasons why iron fragments might.survive better than rocky fragments when asteroids.break apart. Iron lies in the core of a differentiated.asteroid, while rocky material lies near the surface..Thus, rocky material will be the first to be removed.when an asteroid is bombarded, while iron is the last.to be exposed. As a result, rocky fragments have to.survive in space for longer than iron ones. Most of the.rocky mantle may be peeled away in small fragments.—chips from the surface—while the iron core remains.as a single piece, making it harder to disrupt later. Last.and most important, iron is much stronger than rock:.a piece of iron is likely to survive in the asteroid belt at.least 10 times longer than a rocky fragment of the.same size..If most differentiated bodies broke apart early in.the solar system, perhaps all the mantle material has.been ground down to dust and lost over the billions of.years since then. This would mean that intact.differentiated asteroids are very rare in the asteroid.belt today. Perhaps Vesta [a differentiated asteroid.with a diameter of more than 300 miles] and a handful.of others are all that remain..However, collisional erosion cannot be the whole.story. Primitive asteroids, the parent bodies of.chondritic meteorites [the most common type of.meteorite found on Earth], are no stronger than the.mantle rocks from differentiated asteroids. How did.so many primitive asteroids survive when almost.none of the differentiated ones did? Part of the.explanation may simply be that differentiated bodies.were relatively rare to begin with and none have.survived. Still, if almost all differentiated bodies were.destroyed in violent collisions, how did Vesta survive.with only a single large crater on its surface?.Astronomer William Bottke and his colleagues.recently came up with a possible explanation: perhaps.the parent bodies of the iron meteorites formed closer.to the Sun, in the region that now contains the.terrestrial planets. Objects would have been more.tightly packed nearer the Sun, so collisions would.have been more frequent than in the asteroid belt..Many, perhaps most, differentiated bodies were.disrupted by violent collisions. Gravitational.perturbations from larger bodies scattered some of.these fragments into the asteroid belt. Both iron and.rocky fragments arrived in the asteroid belt, but only.the stronger iron objects have survived for the age of.the solar system. Later on, the parent bodies of.primitive meteorites formed in the asteroid belt. Most.of these objects survived, leaving an asteroid belt.today that is a mixture of intact primitive bodies and.fragments of iron..(^1) Characteristic wavelengths of light that asteroids reflect\nQ: Taken together, the passage and the table moststrongly suggest that the model proposed by someastronomers would imply which conclusion abouttype C asteroids?\nChoices:\nA.) They come from type S asteroids that melted.\nB.) They have experienced fewer collisions than have type L asteroids.\nC.) They once comprised a smaller portion of the asteroid belt than type V asteroids did.\nD.) They are younger than are type M asteroids.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Which choice best summarizes the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A character reunites with an old friend and discovers that they cannot resume their friendship.\nB.) A chance meeting with an old friend inspires a character to start a new life in another country.\nC.) An invitation from an old friend prompts a character to reflect on both the past and the present.\nD.) A character’s recent professional success prompts him to provide assistance to an old friend.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Which choice best describes the state of mind that Gallaher’s return inspires in Little Chandler?\nChoices:\nA.) He admires Gallaher’s rise to fame but is thankful that he himself lives a relatively inconspicuous life.\nB.) He envies Gallaher’s remarkable success and is angry about how Gallaher achieved it.\nC.) He is impressed by Gallaher’s success even though thinking about it calls to mind his own unhappiness.\nD.) He is anxious to downplay Gallaher’s achievements in an attempt to make his own look better.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that one of Little Chandler’s prominent characteristics is that he is\nChoices:\nA.) often unpredictable in his dealings with other people.\nB.) highly critical of other people’s aspirations.\nC.) excessively boastful of his personal achievements.\nD.) somewhat vain about his personal appearance.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: Based on the passage, which choice best identifies a contradictory impulse in Little Chandler’s character?\nChoices:\nA.) He scorns a historical era that he concedes is preferable in some ways to the present.\nB.) He fixates on a social world that he ultimately believes to be a hollow spectacle.\nC.) He immerses himself in sights and sounds that strike him as ultimately frivolous.\nD.) He derives excitement from placing himself in settings he finds menacing.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Eight years before he had seen his friend off at the.North Wall and wished him godspeed. Gallaher had.got on. You could tell that at once by his travelled air,.his well-cut tweed suit, and fearless accent. Few.fellows had talents like his and fewer still could.remain unspoiled by such success. Gallaher’s heart.was in the right place and he had deserved to win. It.was something to have a friend like that..Little Chandler’s thoughts ever since lunch-time.had been of his meeting with Gallaher, of Gallaher’s.invitation and of the great city of London where.Gallaher lived. He was called Little Chandler because,.though he was but slightly under the average stature,.he gave one the idea of being a little man. His hands.were white and small, his frame was fragile, his voice.was quiet and his manners were refined. He took the.greatest care of his fair silken hair and moustache and.used perfume discreetly on his handkerchief. The.half-moons of his nails were perfect and when he.smiled you caught a glimpse of a row of childish.white teeth..As he sat at his desk in the King’s Inns he thought.what changes those eight years had brought. The.friend whom he had known under a shabby and.necessitous guise had become a brilliant figure on the.London Press. He turned often from his tiresome.writing to gaze out of the office window. The glow of.a late autumn sunset covered the grass plots and.walks. It cast a shower of kindly golden dust on the.untidy nurses and decrepit old men who drowsed on.the benches; it flickered upon all the moving figures.—on the children who ran screaming along the gravel.paths and on everyone who passed through the.gardens. He watched the scene and thought of life;.and (as always happened when he thought of life) he.became sad. A gentle melancholy took possession of.him. He felt how useless it was to struggle against.fortune, this being the burden of wisdom which the.ages had bequeathed to him..He remembered the books of poetry upon his.shelves at home. He had bought them in his bachelor.days and many an evening, as he sat in the little room.off the hall, he had been tempted to take one down.from the bookshelf and read out something to his.wife. But shyness had always held him back; and so.the books had remained on their shelves. At times he.repeated lines to himself and this consoled him..When his hour had struck he stood up and took.leave of his desk and of his fellow-clerks.punctiliously. He emerged from under the feudal.arch of the King’s Inns, a neat modest figure, and.walked swiftly down Henrietta Street. The golden.sunset was waning and the air had grown sharp. A.horde of grimy children populated the street. They.stood or ran in the roadway or crawled up the steps.before the gaping doors or squatted like mice upon.the thresholds. Little Chandler gave them no thought..He picked his way deftly through all that minute life.and under the shadow of the gaunt spectral mansions.in which the old nobility of Dublin had roystered..No memory of the past touched him, for his mind.was full of a present joy..He had never been in Corless’s but he knew the.value of the name. He knew that people went there.after the theatre to eat oysters; and he had heard that.the waiters there spoke French and German..Walking swiftly by at night he had seen cabs drawn.up before the door and richly dressed ladies, escorted.by cavaliers, alight and enter quickly. They wore.noisy dresses and many wraps. Their faces were.powdered and they caught up their dresses, when.they touched earth. He had always passed without.turning his head to look. It was his habit to walk.swiftly in the street even by day and whenever he.found himself in the city late at night he hurried on.his way apprehensively and excitedly. Sometimes,.however, he courted the causes of his fear. He chose.the darkest and narrowest streets and, as he walked.boldly forward, the silence that was spread about his.footsteps troubled him, the wandering, silent figures.troubled him; and at times a sound of low fugitive.laughter made him tremble like a leaf..He turned to the right towards Capel Street..Ignatius Gallaher on the London Press! Who would.have thought it possible eight years before? Still, now.that he reviewed the past, Little Chandler could.remember many signs of future greatness in his.friend.\nQ: The main effect of the last paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) suggest the extent to which the news of Gallaher’s success has altered Little Chandler’s memory of him.\nB.) characterize Little Chandler as regretful that he had failed to foresee Gallaher’s success.\nC.) convey Little Chandler’s sense that hindsight has lent a degree of inevitability to Gallaher’s success.\nD.) demonstrate that Little Chandler’s confidence in Gallaher has been vindicated by Gallaher’s success.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Large competitors are often viewed as a major.threat for startups and small companies; big.companies have more financial resources and greater.scale, market power and brand awareness than.smaller ones. However, our research finds that a.smaller brand can actually benefit if consumers can.see the competitive threat it faces from a larger.organization..When a U.S.-based ice cream chain with about 1,400 stores moved within 50 steps of a J.P. Licks ice.cream store in Newton, Massachusetts, some people.expected that J.P. Licks, a small, locally owned.company, would be beaten out of the Newton market..But consumers rallied around J.P. Licks, and the.national chain later closed its nearby location. When.the owner of the Los Angeles-based coffee store chain.The Coffee Bean & Tea Leaf could not stop a large.coffee shop chain from moving in next door, he was.surprised to see his sales shoot up—so much so that.he started proactively colocating new stores next to.large chain ones..These examples are not anomalies. In six lab and.field studies, we explored the effects of having a large,.dominant competitor and found that highlighting a.large competitor’s size and close proximity can help.smaller brands, instead of harming them. Compared.to when they are in competition with brands that are.similar to them in size or when consumers view them.outside of a competitive context, small brands see.consumer support go up when they are faced with a.competitive threat from large brands. This support.translates into higher purchase intention, more.purchases and more favorable online reviews..As part of our research, we conducted a field study.at an independent bookstore in Cambridge,.Massachusetts. Upon entering the bookstore, 163.prospective shoppers were exposed to one of three.versions of an in-store ad, emphasizing either the.store’s large competitors, small competitors or no.competition. Shoppers who read the “large.competitors” version were told that the store’s main.competitors are large corporations that have the.ability to put small businesses such as this bookstore.out of business. The “small competitors” version.indicated the store’s main competitors are other.locally owned small bookstores in Cambridge. In the.“no competition” version, participants were given no.information about the competitive environment..Shoppers were then given a $5 coupon, coded with.the in-store ad version they read. Analyzing.shoppers’ sales receipts and the number of redeemed.coupons, we found that shoppers were significantly.more likely to make a purchase after reading the.“large competitors” version of the in-store ad,.compared to the “small competitors” version or the.“no competition” version. They also purchased more.items and spent more money at the store, compared.to shoppers reading the “small competitors” or “no.competition” versions. These results suggest that.framing the competitive game and emphasizing a.competitive narrative against a larger company can.help a small establishment—and spur consumers to.make a purchase that supports the smaller.competitor..In subsequent studies, we tested this “framing-.the-game” effect in various contexts and product.categories and further found that support for a large.brand decreases when consumers view it as being in.competition with a smaller brand. In one study, we.asked participants to assess two hypothetical rival tire.shops, “Tire World” and “Tire Planet,” under three.conditions—small vs. large, small vs. small or large.vs. large competitors. While participants indicated no.preference for the small or large shop when it was.competing against a competitor of similar size, the.small vs. large competitive context elicited a strong.preference for the small rather than large shop.\nQ: Which choice best describes the overall structure of the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) A popular belief about a particular industry is explained, experiments supporting that belief are described, and the implications of the experiments are identified.\nB.) A negative impact of a common business practice is presented, two stories are used as an illustration, and research suggesting improvements is summarized.\nC.) A debate about an economic theory is outlined, two opposing views on the debate are explained in more detail, and research supporting one of those views is recounted.\nD.) An unexpected claim about consumer behavior is introduced, examples supporting the claim are detailed, and experiments confirming the claim are discussed.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Large competitors are often viewed as a major.threat for startups and small companies; big.companies have more financial resources and greater.scale, market power and brand awareness than.smaller ones. However, our research finds that a.smaller brand can actually benefit if consumers can.see the competitive threat it faces from a larger.organization..When a U.S.-based ice cream chain with about 1,400 stores moved within 50 steps of a J.P. Licks ice.cream store in Newton, Massachusetts, some people.expected that J.P. Licks, a small, locally owned.company, would be beaten out of the Newton market..But consumers rallied around J.P. Licks, and the.national chain later closed its nearby location. When.the owner of the Los Angeles-based coffee store chain.The Coffee Bean & Tea Leaf could not stop a large.coffee shop chain from moving in next door, he was.surprised to see his sales shoot up—so much so that.he started proactively colocating new stores next to.large chain ones..These examples are not anomalies. In six lab and.field studies, we explored the effects of having a large,.dominant competitor and found that highlighting a.large competitor’s size and close proximity can help.smaller brands, instead of harming them. Compared.to when they are in competition with brands that are.similar to them in size or when consumers view them.outside of a competitive context, small brands see.consumer support go up when they are faced with a.competitive threat from large brands. This support.translates into higher purchase intention, more.purchases and more favorable online reviews..As part of our research, we conducted a field study.at an independent bookstore in Cambridge,.Massachusetts. Upon entering the bookstore, 163.prospective shoppers were exposed to one of three.versions of an in-store ad, emphasizing either the.store’s large competitors, small competitors or no.competition. Shoppers who read the “large.competitors” version were told that the store’s main.competitors are large corporations that have the.ability to put small businesses such as this bookstore.out of business. The “small competitors” version.indicated the store’s main competitors are other.locally owned small bookstores in Cambridge. In the.“no competition” version, participants were given no.information about the competitive environment..Shoppers were then given a $5 coupon, coded with.the in-store ad version they read. Analyzing.shoppers’ sales receipts and the number of redeemed.coupons, we found that shoppers were significantly.more likely to make a purchase after reading the.“large competitors” version of the in-store ad,.compared to the “small competitors” version or the.“no competition” version. They also purchased more.items and spent more money at the store, compared.to shoppers reading the “small competitors” or “no.competition” versions. These results suggest that.framing the competitive game and emphasizing a.competitive narrative against a larger company can.help a small establishment—and spur consumers to.make a purchase that supports the smaller.competitor..In subsequent studies, we tested this “framing-.the-game” effect in various contexts and product.categories and further found that support for a large.brand decreases when consumers view it as being in.competition with a smaller brand. In one study, we.asked participants to assess two hypothetical rival tire.shops, “Tire World” and “Tire Planet,” under three.conditions—small vs. large, small vs. small or large.vs. large competitors. While participants indicated no.preference for the small or large shop when it was.competing against a competitor of similar size, the.small vs. large competitive context elicited a strong.preference for the small rather than large shop.\nQ: The studies in the passage suggest that if customers of a large chain bookstore were given information focusing on the store's small competitors, a likely result is that the large store would\nChoices:\nA.) gain customers who perceive it as offering more choices than smaller shops.\nB.) receive more positive reviews from its customers.\nC.) benefit from people's perception that its competition is now even greater.\nD.) lose customers who would now see it as a competitor of the smaller shops.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: According to Passage 1, counting wild tigers is difficult because tigers\nChoices:\nA.) move extremely quickly from one location to another.\nB.) reside in environments that are relatively inaccessible to humans.\nC.) exhibit behavior that is potentially threatening to humans.\nD.) bear a superficial resemblance to other related species.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, what is one factor that may have contributed to the rise in the reported global tiger population?\nChoices:\nA.) Recent measurement techniques used to count animals are more accurate than those used in the past.\nB.) Scientists’ understanding of the typical growth rate for populations of endangered species has improved.\nC.) Photographic technology has improved in its ability to detect animals in remote environments.\nD.) Wildlife conservation strategies are more uniform from country to country than they once were.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: According to Passage 2, the wild tiger population estimate offered by the WWF and the Global Tiger Forum may be flawed as a result of which factor?\nChoices:\nA.) Generalization from a selection of evidence that is likely incomplete\nB.) Assumption of stability in population growth over time that is not supported by data\nC.) Limitation to data that are more relevant in certain countries than in others\nD.) Reliance on a new experimental tool that has not been thoroughly tested in the field\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: Which choice best states the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 challenges the reliability of research results discussed in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 questions the professional credibility of the scientists profiled in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 suggests several applications of the conclusions reached in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 compares and critiques the conservation solutions recommended in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passages that their authors would both agree that wild tiger population sizes are\nChoices:\nA.) recovering more fully in certain countries than in others.\nB.) beginning to return to the levels recorded in 2010.\nC.) responding predictably to aggressive conservation attempts.\nD.) declining steadily despite continual human intervention.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.After years of hard work by conservationists.throughout Asia, a new study brings good news for.the world’s wild tigers. According to a new report by.the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of.tigers living in the wild may have been slowly rising.over the last several years. If continued surveys prove.this to be true, this would mark the first time in more.than a century that tiger populations have grown..In a study compiling surveys taken across Asia,.researchers at the WWF found that there are at least 3,890 tigers living in the wild today—a considerable.increase from the 3,200 recorded in 2010. The study.suggests that the commitment to and success of.conservation programs in some countries have.contributed to the overall growth of the global tiger.population..“It’s a positive trend,” Ginette Hemley, the WWF’s.senior vice president of wildlife conservation, says..“We’re cautiously hopeful.”.Counting wild tigers, however, isn’t easy. While.tens of thousands of tigers once roamed Asia from.Turkey to Indonesia, their habitats have become tiny.and scattered during the last century. Wild tigers are.notoriously elusive, preferring to hide out in hard-to-.reach places in jungle undergrowth and high.mountains..Combined with their low numbers, these factors.can make them difficult to keep track of, which can.leave some uncertainty as to whether the populations.are truly on the rise. The increased numbers may in.part reflect better surveying methods..Additionally, while the global number of wild.tigers appears to have gone up, a country-by-country.analysis is more sobering. Though several countries.including India, Nepal, Bhutan and Russia may have.gone up in recent years, others have seen tigers.disappear thanks to poaching and habitat loss..Passage 2.Photographic capture-recapture and large-scale.occupancy modeling are now used to estimate tiger.numbers and range in several countries across Asia..(Scientists who study other elusive carnivores with.unique body markings, including African wild dogs.and wolverines, are also employing these approaches.).Yet on the whole, although the science of tiger.population assessment has rapidly progressed, its.adoption by governmental and nongovernmental.conservation agencies has not, whether because of a.lack of understanding of or comfort with the new.methods or because the old methods cast a more.flattering light on their efforts..A recent example illustrates just how insidious.reliance on outdated tools is. In April the WWF and.the Global Tiger Forum announced to great fanfare.that the planet’s wild tiger population was at last on.the rise, numbering 3,890 individuals. These groups.aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022..But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on.flawed methodologies, including the use of.statistically weak extrapolations from tiger.photographs and field counts of spoor.^1 And their.goal for population growth far exceeds what one.would expect to realize on the basis of studies carried.out using more rigorous techniques. Furthermore,.apart from the increases in tigers in a few reserves in.India and parts of Thailand, there are no convincing.data to show that populations are recovering in the.rest of Southeast Asia or Russia. Indeed, countries.such as Cambodia, Vietnam and China have lost their.viable tiger populations in recent years—losses.masked by any single global tiger number..Speculative tiger numbers for countries and.regions undermine efforts to save tigers by distracting.conservationists and the public from what should be.our top priority: guarding and growing the source.populations.^2 In a way, the overall number of wild.tigers, if we could even get an accurate count, may not.matter. The source populations are the ones we need.to monitor vigilantly, using the best science available.to track their numbers. Only with reliable counts can.we set realistic goals for future growth, develop.suitable strategies for meeting those goals and.measure the impact of our conservation efforts..(^1) Animal droppings.(^2) Animals located in areas with suitable conditions for reproduction.to take place.History shows that scientific progress can stall.from lack of understanding, institutional inertia and.political considerations for decades or even centuries..But as the world enters into the sixth mass extinction.of wild species, we simply cannot afford to divorce.conservation practices from sound science if we are to.have any hope of saving a wildlife icon like the.majestic tiger.\nQ: The author of Passage 2 would most likely respond to the conclusions in the first paragraph of Passage 1 by asserting that such claims\nChoices:\nA.) only apply to certain subspecies of tigers and are therefore inconclusive.\nB.) may lead people to believe that tigers are recovering when in fact they continue to require vigilant protection.\nC.) prove that rigorous efforts to protect endangered species result in quick recovery of populations.\nD.) will offer incentive for countries and regions to invest further in wildlife preservation programs.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: In the passage, Parsons mainly presents herself as someone who is\nChoices:\nA.) resentful over a recent turn of political events.\nB.) conflicted about the future role of political parties.\nC.) sympathetic to more than one political perspective.\nD.) rational in her analysis of political history.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: A primary purpose of Parsons’s speech is to\nChoices:\nA.) outline a new approach to meeting the needs of oppressed groups.\nB.) bring to light inconsistencies within the current political system.\nC.) provide a rationale for adopting a different ideology.\nD.) discuss a political philosophy that is starting to lose favor.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: In the passage, Parsons indicates that she once believed that\nChoices:\nA.) government can be used to make changes that citizens hope for.\nB.) mobilization of the few benefits the majority.\nC.) majority rule eliminates the need for individual activism.\nD.) progress occurs when everyone works together toward a common goal.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} {"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that Parsons thinks positive social change will take place only when\nChoices:\nA.) masses of people are well versed in political history.\nB.) political parties become committed to reform.\nC.) fewer political parties are competing for people’s votes.\nD.) vocal individuals compel governments to address their concerns.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: Which argument does Parsons use to support her claim about the extent to which political parties can be trusted by voters?\nChoices:\nA.) Political parties always sacrifice their own ideals for pragmatic actions.\nB.) Parties typically advance positions that are at odds with the beliefs of many of their members.\nC.) Political parties are inherently corrupt because human nature is too easily corrupted by power.\nD.) Parties often consolidate their power by making deals with opposing parties.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: Based on the passage, Parsons would most likely predict that a political system that includes competing parties will consistently\nChoices:\nA.) lead to the suppression of views deemed unfavorable.\nB.) impede economic growth and therefore hinder progress.\nC.) foster the development of an overly scientific approach to politics.\nD.) fracture into an increasing number of warring parties.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: Which argument does Parsons use to support her claim about the extent to which political parties can be trusted by voters?\nChoices:\nA.) Political parties are inherently corrupt because human nature is too easily corrupted by power.\nB.) Parties often consolidate their power by making deals with opposing parties.\nC.) Parties typically advance positions that are at odds with the beliefs of many of their members.\nD.) Political parties always sacrifice their own ideals for pragmatic actions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: Based on the passage, Parsons would most likely predict that a political system that includes competing parties will consistently\nChoices:\nA.) fracture into an increasing number of warring parties.\nB.) foster the development of an overly scientific approach to politics.\nC.) lead to the suppression of views deemed unfavorable.\nD.) impede economic growth and therefore hinder progress.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} {"query": "Passage: I think I cannot open my address more.appropriately than by stating my experience in my.long connection with the reform movement..It was during the great railroad strike of 1877 that.I first became interested in what is known as the.“Labor Question.”^1 I then thought as many thousands.of earnest, sincere people think, that the aggregate.power operating in human society, known as.government, could be made an instrument in the.hands of the oppressed to alleviate their sufferings..But a closer study of the origin, history and tendency.of governments convinced me that this was a mistake..I came to understand how organized governments.used their concentrated power to retard progress by.their ever-ready means of silencing the voice of.discontent if raised in vigorous protest against the.machinations of the scheming few, who always did,.always will and always must rule in the councils of.nations where majority rule is recognized as the only.means of adjusting the affairs of the people..I came to understand that such concentrated.power can be always wielded in the interest of the few.and at the expense of the many. Government in its.last analysis is this power reduced to a science..Governments never lead; they follow progress. When.the prison, stake or scaffold can no longer silence the.voice of the protesting minority, progress moves on a.step, but not until then..I will state this contention in another way: I.learned by close study that it made no difference what.fair promises a political party, out of power, might.make to the people in order to secure their.confidence, when once securely established in control.of the affairs of society; that they were after all but.human with all the human attributes of the politician..Among these are: First, to remain in power at all.hazards; if not individually, then those holding.essentially the same views as the administration must.be kept in control. Second, in order to keep in power,.it is necessary to build up a powerful machine; one.strong enough to crush all opposition and silence all.vigorous murmurs of discontent, or the party.machine might be smashed and the party thereby lose.control..When I came to realize the faults, failings,.shortcomings, aspirations and ambitions of fallible.man, I concluded that it would not be the safest nor.best policy for society, as a whole, to entrust the.management of all its affairs, with all their manifold.deviations and ramifications in the hands of finite.man, to be managed by the party which happened to.come into power, and therefore was the majority.party, nor did it then, nor does it now make one.particle of difference to me what a party out of power.may promise; it does not tend to allay my fears of.[what] a party, when entrenched and securely seated.in power might do to crush opposition, and silence.the voice of the minority, and thus retard the onward.step of progress..My mind is appalled at the thought of a political.party having control of all the details that go to make.up the sum total of our lives. Think of it for an.instant, that the party in power shall have all.authority to dictate the kind of books that shall be.used in our schools and universities; government.officials editing, printing, and circulating our.literature, histories, magazines and press, to say.nothing of the thousand and one activities of life that.a people engage in, in a civilized society..To my mind, the struggle for liberty is too great.and the few steps we have gained have been won at.too great a sacrifice, for the great mass of the people.of this twentieth century to consent to turn over to.any political party the management of our social and.industrial affairs. For all who are at all familiar with.history know that men will abuse power when they.possess it. For these and other reasons, I, after careful.study, and not through sentiment, turned from a.sincere, earnest, political Socialist^2 to the non-.political phase of Socialism—Anarchism^3 —because.in its philosophy I believe I can find the proper.conditions for the fullest development of the.individual units in society, which can never be the.case under government restrictions..(^1) The question of how to preserve the rights of the worker in an.industrial society.(^2) One who espouses a belief that the production and distribution of.goods should be controlled by the government.(^3) A belief that opposes any form of authority in society\nQ: According to the passage, Parsons’s support for anarchism is based on the idea that anarchism\nChoices:\nA.) allows people to create an organizational structure whose leaders will champion the rights of the oppressed.\nB.) distributes wealth and property more equally among the population.\nC.) is indifferent to the social status of its adherents.\nD.) creates a situation that allows individuals to flourish.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) describe experiments intended to clarify the benefits of tool use for woodpecker finches.\nB.) discuss a study of the differences between primates and woodpecker finches with respect to tool use.\nC.) present research that explains the development of tool-using behavior in woodpecker finches.\nD.) contrast the tool-using behavior of wild and captive-raised woodpecker finches.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that the design of the researchers’ experiment helped to minimize the possibility that\nChoices:\nA.) there were important differences between the two groups of chicks other than the model with which the groups were reared.\nB.) identifying when chicks reached different developmental stages of tool-using behavior depended on human evaluations of chicks’ actions.\nC.) responses of any individual chick to the model were influenced by the responses of other chicks in the same group.\nD.) acquisition of tool-using behavior by chicks in both groups was influenced by the particular potential tools available.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that the social system of primates allows for young animals to\nChoices:\nA.) regularly observe other members of their species using tools.\nB.) experiment with tool designs at little risk of lost food if the designs are unsuccessful\nC.) restrict the transmission of tool-related knowledge to close relatives only.\nD.) reach maturity without having learned to use tools to acquire food.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: Based on the passage, the researchers’ conclusion that the woodpecker finches who used the novel levering technique were displaying individual learning is supported in part by the fact that\nChoices:\nA.) there is probably not a naturally occurring circumstance that would have favored the development of that technique and its prior transmission to those finches.\nB.) those finches tended to stop using the technique after the researchers altered the artificial crevices to reduce the effectiveness of the technique.\nC.) the portion of that technique that deviates from typical tool-using behavior takes place inside a crevice and is therefore difficult for other finches to observe and acquire socially.\nD.) no genetic variations were common to all those finches that were not also common to all the finches that did not use that technique.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: According to table 1, the mean number of instances that woodpecker finches raised without tool-using models used twigs as tools was\nChoices:\nA.) 10.7.\nB.) 3.6.\nC.) 5.6.\nD.) 7.4.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The data in table 2 best support which statement about the woodpecker finches that used the unique levering technique to acquire prey?\nChoices:\nA.) None of them were successful in their first attempt with the technique.\nB.) After the first success at acquiring prey, a few of them ceased using the technique altogether.\nC.) After the first success at acquiring the prey, none of them attempted the technique more than five times.\nD.) At least one of them attempted the technique five times before successfully acquiring prey.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: According to the passage, which fact about Celia’s neighbors does the narrator know before she visits Celia’s apartment?\nChoices:\nA.) Quisqueya dyes her hair.\nB.) Micho Alvarez and Benny Quinto are close friends.\nC.) Micho Alvarez has a sensitive side.\nD.) Benny Quinto once studied to be a priest.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: Which choice best describes the narrator’s relationship with Celia’s sons?\nChoices:\nA.) The narrator’s daughter attends school with Mayor.\nB.) The narrator has seen Enrique play soccer, but she has never seen Mayor.\nC.) The narrator has seen Mayor in person, but she has seen Enrique only in Celia’s photo.\nD.) The narrator knows Celia’s sons because they are friends with the narrator’s daughter.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: Based on the passage, it is most reasonable to infer thatCelia knows the answer to which question about the narrator’s family before the narrator visits her apartment?\nChoices:\nA.) Where does the narrator’s daughter go to school?\nB.) What is the narrator’s profession?\nC.) How many children does the narrator have?\nD.) How long have the narrator and her family lived in the United States?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: A central idea discussed in the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) articulating the reasons for holding an opinion can cause people to decide that they are wrong.\nB.) the process of describing an issue in detail can make people more moderate in their views about the issue.\nC.) most people are not truly interested in understanding complex ideas.\nD.) people are likely to understate their most passionately held positions to avoid offending others.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the main focus shifts from\nChoices:\nA.) an observation of a trend, to an analysis of its causes, and then to a proposal for a research study to validate the analysis.\nB.) an explanation of two competing theories for a certain behavior, to a recap of a study designed to determine which theory is correct, and then to a general account of a field’s future.\nC.) a discussion of a long-standing problem, to a report that discredits previous attempts to address that problem, and then to a proposal for future action.\nD.) an introduction of a phenomenon, to a description of experiments concerning that phenomenon, and then to a recommendation based on the results of the experiments.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: The passage implies that when conducting his laboratorywork, Fernbach would have been most surprised by which finding?\nChoices:\nA.) No link was found between the complexity of an issue and the strength of the volunteers’ positions.\nB.) When volunteers were asked to list their reasons for endorsing a particular policy, their views were generally unaffected by the exercise.\nC.) After volunteers were asked to analyze a complicated political issue, their understanding of it did not increase.\nD.) When volunteers were asked questions about complex issues, those with the most extreme views were found to have the best overall understanding of them.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: Based on the passage, which action would most likely reducepolitical extremism among the citizenry?\nChoices:\nA.) Hosting events that encourage people who hold opposing points of view to interact with one another\nB.) Forming organized groups of people who share their most deeply held convictions\nC.) Promoting awareness of charities that provide opportunities to donate money to worthy but underfunded causes\nD.) Requiring that politicians explain their proposed policies in detail before an election is held\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) discuss a study of the differences between primates and woodpecker finches with respect to tool use.\nB.) contrast the tool-using behavior of wild and captive-raised woodpecker finches.\nC.) describe experiments intended to clarify the benefits of tool use for woodpecker finches.\nD.) present research that explains the development of tool-using behavior in woodpecker finches.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that the design of the researchers’ experiment helped to minimize the possibility that\nChoices:\nA.) responses of any individual chick to the model were influenced by the responses of other chicks in the same group.\nB.) there were important differences between the two groups of chicks other than the model with which the groups were reared.\nC.) acquisition of tool-using behavior by chicks in both groups was influenced by the particular potential tools available.\nD.) identifying when chicks reached different developmental stages of tool-using behavior depended on human evaluations of chicks’ actions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The passage most strongly suggests that the social system of primates allows for young animals to\nChoices:\nA.) regularly observe other members of their species using tools.\nB.) restrict the transmission of tool-related knowledge to close relatives only.\nC.) reach maturity without having learned to use tools to acquire food.\nD.) experiment with tool designs at little risk of lost food if the designs are unsuccessful\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: Based on the passage, the researchers’ conclusion that the woodpecker finches who used the novel levering technique were displaying individual learning is supported in part by the fact that\nChoices:\nA.) no genetic variations were common to all those finches that were not also common to all the finches that did not use that technique.\nB.) there is probably not a naturally occurring circumstance that would have favored the development of that technique and its prior transmission to those finches.\nC.) those finches tended to stop using the technique after the researchers altered the artificial crevices to reduce the effectiveness of the technique.\nD.) the portion of that technique that deviates from typical tool-using behavior takes place inside a crevice and is therefore difficult for other finches to observe and acquire socially.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: According to table 1, the mean number of instances that woodpecker finches raised without tool-using models used twigs as tools was\nChoices:\nA.) 3.6.\nB.) 7.4.\nC.) 5.6.\nD.) 10.7.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: In an experimental study we investigated whether.twig tool use in woodpecker finches is acquired.socially. This seemed plausible since previous studies.have shown that several forms of tool use in primates.develop via social learning. We took whole broods.from the Galapagos Islands. We split each brood into.two groups: half of the chicks were reared with a tool-.using model, and the other half were reared with a.non-tool-using model. We found that young.woodpecker finches that never had the opportunity to.watch tool use develop this ability with similar.aptitude and reached distinct developmental steps.that marked the appearance of new tool-oriented.behavior at a similar age as their siblings that were.given the chance to observe tool use in adult.woodpecker finches. We concluded that, in contrast.to chimpanzees, social learning is not necessary for.the acquisition of this behavior in woodpecker.finches. Instead, the developmental process seems to.be strongly dependent on genetically fixed.components. Interestingly, New Caledonian crows.also appear to have a specific genetic predisposition.for tool use, as demonstrated by the finding that they.develop basic use of stick tools without a tool-using.model. However, in contrast to our study, a tool-.using demonstrator (a human in the study on New.Caledonian crows) stimulated faster development of.tool use in juvenile New Caledonian crows. Field.observations also show that New Caledonian crow.parents scaffold the development of wide tool.manufacture and use in juveniles for up to one year..Juveniles stay close to their parents and are provided.with discarded tools. The early exposure to this.discarded tool might help juveniles to form a mental.template of functional tool design..Information about woodpecker finches’ social.system can shed some light on the reasons for the.strong genetic predetermination of tool use in this.species. For one thing, in contrast to socially living.primates, woodpecker finches are solitary and thus.parents are likely to be the only available tool-using.models. In such a system, reliance on social.transmission from parents to offspring during an.association would be a highly risky endeavor. Where.the likelihood of encountering important social.information is uncertain, selection for a development.process based on genetically fixed components could.be advantageous, especially given that tool use.provides an important part of the woodpecker finch’s.diet and seems crucial to survival during the dry.season in the islands’ Arid Zone..Although our experiment showed that the.development of tool use is based on a very specific.genetic predisposition, we were able to demonstrate.that non-social, individual learning does play an.important role during the ontogeny [development.within an organism’s lifetime] of tool use in serving.to improve the efficiency of this behavior. Five.individuals developed tool-using techniques that.deviated from the tool use performed by birds in the.wild, most likely because our artificial crevices.differed from natural crevices and tree holes. At some.point during the study, each of these birds dropped.their tool into the artificial crevice and pulled it out.with an upward motion of their beak, thereby.levering the prey to within reach at the front of the.crevice. After initial success with this technique, the.five birds significantly increased their use of this.method. These and other observations on learning in.tool-using woodpecker finches have altered our.conception of how this behavior develops. The.ontogenetic unfolding of this complex behavior is.determined by a very specific genetic component, but.is enhanced through individual learning.\nQ: The data in table 2 best support which statement about the woodpecker finches that used the unique levering technique to acquire prey?\nChoices:\nA.) After the first success at acquiring the prey, none of them attempted the technique more than five times.\nB.) None of them were successful in their first attempt with the technique.\nC.) After the first success at acquiring prey, a few of them ceased using the technique altogether.\nD.) At least one of them attempted the technique five times before successfully acquiring prey.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: According to the passage, which fact about Celia’s neighbors does the narrator know before she visits Celia’s apartment?\nChoices:\nA.) Benny Quinto once studied to be a priest.\nB.) Micho Alvarez and Benny Quinto are close friends.\nC.) Quisqueya dyes her hair.\nD.) Micho Alvarez has a sensitive side.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: Which choice best describes the narrator’s relationship with Celia’s sons?\nChoices:\nA.) The narrator has seen Mayor in person, but she has seen Enrique only in Celia’s photo.\nB.) The narrator has seen Enrique play soccer, but she has never seen Mayor.\nC.) The narrator’s daughter attends school with Mayor.\nD.) The narrator knows Celia’s sons because they are friends with the narrator’s daughter.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: This passage is adapted from Cristina Henríquez,The Book of.Unknown Americans. ©2014 by Cristina Henríquez..One afternoon I made chicharrones and carried.them over to Celia’s apartment..She clapped her hands together in delight when.she saw me and motioned for me to come inside..“These are for you,” I said, holding out a foil-.covered plate..She lifted a corner of the foil and sniffed..“Sabroso,” she said..I loved how full her home felt, embroidered.pillows on the couches, a curio stacked with milk.glass bowls and recuerdos and folded tablecloths, red.votives along the windowsills, spidery potted plants,.woven rugs, unframed posters of Panamá beaches on.the walls, a box of rinsed bottles on the floor, a small.radio on top of the refrigerator, a plastic bag filled.with garlic hanging from a doorknob, a collection of.spices clustered on a platter on the counter. The great.accumulation of things almost hid the cracks in the.walls and the stains on the floor and the scratches.that clouded the windows..“Mi casa es tu casa,” Celia joked as I looked.around. “Isn’t that what the Americans say?”.She poured cold, crackling Coca-Colas for both of.us, and we sat on the couch, sipping them and taking.small bites of the chicharrones. She looked just as she.had the first time I met her: impeccably pulled.together, with a face full of makeup, fuchsia lips,.chestnut-brown chin-length hair curled at the ends.and tucked neatly behind her ears, small gold.earrings. So unlike most of my friends at home, who.used nothing but soap on their faces and aloe on.their hands and who kept their hair pulled into.ponytails, like mine, or simply combed after it had.been washed and left to air-dry..Celia told me about the provisions we would need.for winter—heavy coats and a stack of comforters.and something called long underwear that made me.laugh when she tried to describe it—and about a.place called the Community House where they.offered immigrant services if we needed them. She.gossiped about people in the building. She told me.that Micho Alvarez, who she claimed always wore his.camera around his neck, had a sensitive side, despite.the fact that he might look big and burly, and that.Benny Quinto, who was close friends with Micho,.had studied to be a priest years ago. She said that.Quisqueya dyed her hair, which was hardly.news—I had assumed as much when I met her. “It’s.the most unnatural shade of red,” Celia said. “Rafael.says it looks like she dumped a pot of tomato sauce.on her head.” She chortled. “Quisqueya is a.busybody, but it’s only because she’s so insecure. She.doesn’t know how to connect with people. Don’t let.her put you off.”.Celia began telling me about when she and Rafael.and her boys had come here from Panamá, fifteen.years ago, after the invasion..“So your son, he was born there?” I asked..“I have two boys,” she said. “Both of them were.born there. Enrique, my oldest, is away at college on.a soccer scholarship. And there’s Mayor, who you.met. He’s nothing at all like his brother. Rafa thinks.we might have taken the wrong baby home from the.hospital.” She forced a smile. “Just a joke, of course.”.She stood and lifted a framed picture from the.end table. “This is from last summer before Enrique.went back to school,” she said, handing it to me..“Micho took it for us.”.In the photo were two boys: Mayor, whom I.recognized from the store, small for his age with.dark, buzzed hair and sparkling eyes, and Enrique,.who stood next to his brother with his arms crossed,.the faint shadow of a mustache above his lip..“What about you?” Celia asked. “Do you have.other children besides your daughter?”.“Only her,” I said, glancing at my hands around.the glass. The perspiration from the ice had left a ring.of water on the thigh of my pants..“And she’s going...”Celia trailed off, as though.she didn’t want to say it out loud..“To Evers.”.Celia nodded. She looked like she didn’t know.what to say next, and I felt a mixture of.embarrassment and indignation..“It’s temporary,” I said. “She only has to go there.for a year or two.”.“You don’t have to explain it to me.”.“She’s going to get better.”.“I’ve heard it’s a good school.”.“I hope so. It’s why we came.”.Celia gazed at me for a long time before she said,.“When we left Panamá, it was falling apart. Rafa and.I thought it would be better for the boys to grow up.here. Even though Panamá was where we had spent.our whole lives. It’s amazing, isn’t it, what parents.will do for their children?”.She put her hand on mine. A benediction. From.then, we were friends.\nQ: Based on the passage, it is most reasonable to infer thatCelia knows the answer to which question about the narrator’s family before the narrator visits her apartment?\nChoices:\nA.) How long have the narrator and her family lived in the United States?\nB.) What is the narrator’s profession?\nC.) Where does the narrator’s daughter go to school?\nD.) How many children does the narrator have?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: A central idea discussed in the passage is that\nChoices:\nA.) people are likely to understate their most passionately held positions to avoid offending others.\nB.) the process of describing an issue in detail can make people more moderate in their views about the issue.\nC.) articulating the reasons for holding an opinion can cause people to decide that they are wrong.\nD.) most people are not truly interested in understanding complex ideas.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: Over the course of the passage, the main focus shifts from\nChoices:\nA.) an observation of a trend, to an analysis of its causes, and then to a proposal for a research study to validate the analysis.\nB.) an explanation of two competing theories for a certain behavior, to a recap of a study designed to determine which theory is correct, and then to a general account of a field’s future.\nC.) an introduction of a phenomenon, to a description of experiments concerning that phenomenon, and then to a recommendation based on the results of the experiments.\nD.) a discussion of a long-standing problem, to a report that discredits previous attempts to address that problem, and then to a proposal for future action.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: The passage implies that when conducting his laboratorywork, Fernbach would have been most surprised by which finding?\nChoices:\nA.) When volunteers were asked to list their reasons for endorsing a particular policy, their views were generally unaffected by the exercise.\nB.) After volunteers were asked to analyze a complicated political issue, their understanding of it did not increase.\nC.) When volunteers were asked questions about complex issues, those with the most extreme views were found to have the best overall understanding of them.\nD.) No link was found between the complexity of an issue and the strength of the volunteers’ positions.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Voters need to understand the prosaic details of.complex policies. Most have staked out positions on.these issues, but they are not often reasoned.positions, which take hard intellectual work. Most.citizens opt instead for simplistic explanations,.assuming wrongly that they comprehend the nuances.of issues..Psychological scientists have a name for this.easy, automatic, simplistic thinking: the illusion of.explanatory depth. We strongly believe that we.understand complex matters, when in fact we are.clueless, and these false and extreme beliefs.shape our preferences, judgments, and actions—.including our votes..Is it possible to shake such deep-rooted.convictions? That’s the question that Philip.Fernbach, a psychological scientist at the University.of Colorado’s Leeds School of Business, wanted to.explore. Fernbach and his colleagues wondered if.forcing people to explain complex policies in.detail—not cheerleading for a position but really.considering the mechanics of implementation—.might force them to confront their ignorance and.thus weaken their extremist stands on issues. They.ran a series of lab experiments to test this idea..They started by recruiting a group of volunteers in.their 30s—Democrats, Republicans, and.Independents—and asking them to state their.positions on a variety of issues, from a national flat.tax to a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions..The volunteers indicated how strongly they felt about.each issue and also rated their own understanding of.the issues. Then the volunteers were instructed to.write elaborate explanations of two issues. If the issue.was cap and trade, for example, they would first.explain precisely what cap and trade means, how it is.implemented, whom it benefits and whom it could.hurt, the sources of carbon emissions, and so forth..They were not asked for value judgments about the.policy or about the environment or business, but.only for a highly detailed description of the.mechanics of the policy in action..Let’s be honest: Most of us never do this..Fernbach’s idea was that such an exercise would.force many to realize just how little they really know.about cap and trade, and confronted with their own.ignorance, they would dampen their own.enthusiasm. They would be humbled and as a result.take less extreme positions. And that’s just what.happened. Trying—and failing—to explain complex.policies undermined the extremists’ illusions about.being well-informed. They became more moderate in.their views as a result..Being forced to articulate the nuts and bolts of a.policy is not the same as trying to sell that policy..In fact, talking about one’s views can often.strengthen them. Fernbach believes it’s the slow,.cognitive work—the deliberate analysis—that.changes people’s judgments, but he wanted to check.this in another experiment. This one was very similar.to the first, but some volunteers, instead of.explaining a policy, merely listed reasons for liking it..The results were clear. Those who simply listed.reasons for their positions—articulating their.values—were less shaken in their views. They.continued to think they understood the policies in.their complexity, and, notably, they remained.extreme in their passion for their positions..Polarization tends to reinforce itself. People are.unaware of their own ignorance, and they seek out.information that bolsters their views, often without.knowing it. They also process new information in.biased ways, and they hang out with people like.themselves. All of these psychological forces increase.political extremism, and no simple measure will.change that. But forcing the candidates to provide.concrete and elaborate plans might be a start; it gives.citizens a starting place.\nQ: Based on the passage, which action would most likely reducepolitical extremism among the citizenry?\nChoices:\nA.) Forming organized groups of people who share their most deeply held convictions\nB.) Requiring that politicians explain their proposed policies in detail before an election is held\nC.) Hosting events that encourage people who hold opposing points of view to interact with one another\nD.) Promoting awareness of charities that provide opportunities to donate money to worthy but underfunded causes\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} {"query": "Passage: It is well known that some animal species use.camouflage to hide from predators. Individuals that.are able to blend in to their surroundings and avoid.being eaten are able to survive longer, reproduce, and.thus increase their fitness (pass along their genes to.the next generation) compared to those who stand.out more. This may seem like a good strategy, and.fairly common in the animal kingdom, but who ever.heard of a plant doing the same thing?.In plants, the use of coloration or pigmentation as.a vital component of acquiring food (e.g.,.photosynthesis) or as a means of attracting.pollinators (e.g., flowers) has been well studied..However, variation in pigmentation as a means of.escaping predation has received little attention..Matthew Klooster from Harvard University and.colleagues empirically investigated whether the dried.bracts (specialized leaves) on a rare woodland plant,.Monotropsis odorata, might serve a similar purpose.as the stripes on a tiger or the grey coloration of the.wings of the peppered moth: namely, to hide..“Monotropsis odoratais a fascinating plant.species, as it relies exclusively upon mycorrhizal.fungus, that associates with its roots, for all of the.resources it needs to live,” notes Klooster. “Because.this plant no longer requires photosynthetic.pigmentation (i.e., green coloration) to produce its.own energy, it is free to adopt a broader range of.possibilities in coloration, much like fungi or.animals.”.Using a large population ofMonotropsis odorata,.Klooster and colleagues experimentally removed the.dried bracts that cover the 3- to 5-cm tall stems and.flower buds of these woodland plants. The bracts are.a brown color that resembles the leaf litter from.which the reproductive stems emerge and cover the.pinkish-purple colored buds and deep purple stems..When Klooster and colleagues measured the.reflectance pattern (the percentage of light reflected.at various wavelengths) of the different plant parts,.they indeed found that the bracts functioned as.camouflage, making the plant blend in with its.surroundings; the bract reflectance pattern closely.resembled that of the leaf litter, and both differed.from that of the reproductive stem and flowers.hidden underneath the bracts. Furthermore, they.experimentally demonstrated that this camouflage.actually worked to hide the plant from its predators.and increased its fitness. Individuals with intact.bracts suffered only a quarter of the herbivore.damage and produced a higher percentage of mature.fruits compared to those whose bracts were removed..“It has long been shown that animals use cryptic.coloration (camouflage) as a defense mechanism to.visually match a component of their natural.environment, which facilitates predator avoidance,”.Klooster said. “We have now experimentally.demonstrated that plants have evolved a similar.strategy to avoid their herbivores.”.Drying its bracts early to hide its reproductive.parts is a good strategy when the stems are exposed.to predators for long periods of time: all the other.species in the subfamily Monotropoideae have.colorful fleshy bracts and are reproductively active.for only a quarter of the length of time. Somewhat.paradoxically, however,Monotropsis odorataactually.relies on animals for pollination and seed dispersal..How does it accomplish this when it is disguised as.dead leaf material and is able to hide so well? The.authors hypothesize that the flowers emit highly.fragrant odors that serve to attract pollinators and.seed dispersal agents; indeed they observed bumble.bees finding and pollinating many reproductive.stems that were entirely hidden by the leaf litter itself.\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) contrast the activities of plant species that rely on photosynthesis with the activities of those that do not.\nB.) describe a study illuminating a defensive strategy of a particular species of plant.\nC.) explore the attempts of scientists to understand the means by which plants attract pollinators.\nD.) explain the results of experiments comparing the function of color in plants and in animals.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: It is well known that some animal species use.camouflage to hide from predators. Individuals that.are able to blend in to their surroundings and avoid.being eaten are able to survive longer, reproduce, and.thus increase their fitness (pass along their genes to.the next generation) compared to those who stand.out more. This may seem like a good strategy, and.fairly common in the animal kingdom, but who ever.heard of a plant doing the same thing?.In plants, the use of coloration or pigmentation as.a vital component of acquiring food (e.g.,.photosynthesis) or as a means of attracting.pollinators (e.g., flowers) has been well studied..However, variation in pigmentation as a means of.escaping predation has received little attention..Matthew Klooster from Harvard University and.colleagues empirically investigated whether the dried.bracts (specialized leaves) on a rare woodland plant,.Monotropsis odorata, might serve a similar purpose.as the stripes on a tiger or the grey coloration of the.wings of the peppered moth: namely, to hide..“Monotropsis odoratais a fascinating plant.species, as it relies exclusively upon mycorrhizal.fungus, that associates with its roots, for all of the.resources it needs to live,” notes Klooster. “Because.this plant no longer requires photosynthetic.pigmentation (i.e., green coloration) to produce its.own energy, it is free to adopt a broader range of.possibilities in coloration, much like fungi or.animals.”.Using a large population ofMonotropsis odorata,.Klooster and colleagues experimentally removed the.dried bracts that cover the 3- to 5-cm tall stems and.flower buds of these woodland plants. The bracts are.a brown color that resembles the leaf litter from.which the reproductive stems emerge and cover the.pinkish-purple colored buds and deep purple stems..When Klooster and colleagues measured the.reflectance pattern (the percentage of light reflected.at various wavelengths) of the different plant parts,.they indeed found that the bracts functioned as.camouflage, making the plant blend in with its.surroundings; the bract reflectance pattern closely.resembled that of the leaf litter, and both differed.from that of the reproductive stem and flowers.hidden underneath the bracts. Furthermore, they.experimentally demonstrated that this camouflage.actually worked to hide the plant from its predators.and increased its fitness. Individuals with intact.bracts suffered only a quarter of the herbivore.damage and produced a higher percentage of mature.fruits compared to those whose bracts were removed..“It has long been shown that animals use cryptic.coloration (camouflage) as a defense mechanism to.visually match a component of their natural.environment, which facilitates predator avoidance,”.Klooster said. “We have now experimentally.demonstrated that plants have evolved a similar.strategy to avoid their herbivores.”.Drying its bracts early to hide its reproductive.parts is a good strategy when the stems are exposed.to predators for long periods of time: all the other.species in the subfamily Monotropoideae have.colorful fleshy bracts and are reproductively active.for only a quarter of the length of time. Somewhat.paradoxically, however,Monotropsis odorataactually.relies on animals for pollination and seed dispersal..How does it accomplish this when it is disguised as.dead leaf material and is able to hide so well? The.authors hypothesize that the flowers emit highly.fragrant odors that serve to attract pollinators and.seed dispersal agents; indeed they observed bumble.bees finding and pollinating many reproductive.stems that were entirely hidden by the leaf litter itself.\nQ: The passage indicates that compared with other functions of coloration in plants, camouflage in plants has\nChoices:\nA.) been the subject of a smaller number of scientific investigations.\nB.) made use of a wider variety of distinctive shades of colors.\nC.) provided scientists with a deeper understanding of potential food sources.\nD.) proved to be a less effective defense against predators.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: It is well known that some animal species use.camouflage to hide from predators. Individuals that.are able to blend in to their surroundings and avoid.being eaten are able to survive longer, reproduce, and.thus increase their fitness (pass along their genes to.the next generation) compared to those who stand.out more. This may seem like a good strategy, and.fairly common in the animal kingdom, but who ever.heard of a plant doing the same thing?.In plants, the use of coloration or pigmentation as.a vital component of acquiring food (e.g.,.photosynthesis) or as a means of attracting.pollinators (e.g., flowers) has been well studied..However, variation in pigmentation as a means of.escaping predation has received little attention..Matthew Klooster from Harvard University and.colleagues empirically investigated whether the dried.bracts (specialized leaves) on a rare woodland plant,.Monotropsis odorata, might serve a similar purpose.as the stripes on a tiger or the grey coloration of the.wings of the peppered moth: namely, to hide..“Monotropsis odoratais a fascinating plant.species, as it relies exclusively upon mycorrhizal.fungus, that associates with its roots, for all of the.resources it needs to live,” notes Klooster. “Because.this plant no longer requires photosynthetic.pigmentation (i.e., green coloration) to produce its.own energy, it is free to adopt a broader range of.possibilities in coloration, much like fungi or.animals.”.Using a large population ofMonotropsis odorata,.Klooster and colleagues experimentally removed the.dried bracts that cover the 3- to 5-cm tall stems and.flower buds of these woodland plants. The bracts are.a brown color that resembles the leaf litter from.which the reproductive stems emerge and cover the.pinkish-purple colored buds and deep purple stems..When Klooster and colleagues measured the.reflectance pattern (the percentage of light reflected.at various wavelengths) of the different plant parts,.they indeed found that the bracts functioned as.camouflage, making the plant blend in with its.surroundings; the bract reflectance pattern closely.resembled that of the leaf litter, and both differed.from that of the reproductive stem and flowers.hidden underneath the bracts. Furthermore, they.experimentally demonstrated that this camouflage.actually worked to hide the plant from its predators.and increased its fitness. Individuals with intact.bracts suffered only a quarter of the herbivore.damage and produced a higher percentage of mature.fruits compared to those whose bracts were removed..“It has long been shown that animals use cryptic.coloration (camouflage) as a defense mechanism to.visually match a component of their natural.environment, which facilitates predator avoidance,”.Klooster said. “We have now experimentally.demonstrated that plants have evolved a similar.strategy to avoid their herbivores.”.Drying its bracts early to hide its reproductive.parts is a good strategy when the stems are exposed.to predators for long periods of time: all the other.species in the subfamily Monotropoideae have.colorful fleshy bracts and are reproductively active.for only a quarter of the length of time. Somewhat.paradoxically, however,Monotropsis odorataactually.relies on animals for pollination and seed dispersal..How does it accomplish this when it is disguised as.dead leaf material and is able to hide so well? The.authors hypothesize that the flowers emit highly.fragrant odors that serve to attract pollinators and.seed dispersal agents; indeed they observed bumble.bees finding and pollinating many reproductive.stems that were entirely hidden by the leaf litter itself.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passage thatthe nutrient requirements of many plants have the consequence of\nChoices:\nA.) increasing the plants’ energy consumption.\nB.) exaggerating the plants’ coloration patterns.\nC.) limiting the plants’ defensive options.\nD.) narrowing the plants’ potential habitats.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that Burke is particularly upset with the National Assembly’s decision to\nChoices:\nA.) ignore the advice of former leaders.\nB.) seek the approval of the public.\nC.) expand the size of the government.\nD.) limit the king’s power.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: Based on the passage, Burke believes that French leaders who would advocate moderate positions are\nChoices:\nA.) brave, but are likely to be distrusted.\nB.) cowardly, but are likely to be praised.\nC.) virtuous, but are likely to be ignored.\nD.) sensible, but are likely to be undermined.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: Burke’s central claim in the last paragraph is that the British have\nChoices:\nA.) tried to export their form of government to their neighbors.\nB.) acted wisely to revise rather than replace their political system.\nC.) left their government essentially unchanged for hundreds of years.\nD.) failed to take effective measures to safeguard their rights.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: In the passage, Burke displays the greatest respect for which of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) British leaders of past generations\nB.) The British voting public\nC.) The leaders of France’s former government\nD.) British citizens who are inspired by the French\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, which hypothetical discovery would provide the most support for the impact hypothesis?\nChoices:\nA.) Analysis of ice cores suggests that global temperatures started declining approximately 13,000 years before the onset of the Younger Dryas.\nB.) Glass and carbon spherules appear at multiple points in the geologic record but never in conjunction with iridium deposits.\nC.) An asteroid impact crater beneath the northern ice cap contains high levels of iridium and has been dated to well after the start of the Younger Dryas.\nD.) High levels of osmium, which is rare on Earth but relatively common in asteroids, are observed in the geologic record from approximately 13,000 years ago.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: According to Passage 1, the team of scientists believes that the black carbonized material found in certain sedimentary layers was caused by which phenomenon following a cosmic collision?\nChoices:\nA.) Iridium deposits\nB.) Climate cooling\nC.) Mass extinctions\nD.) Rapidly spreading fires\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Based on Passage 2, Meltzer and his team relied on what evidence to challenge the Younger Dryas impact hypothesis?\nChoices:\nA.) Analyses showing that nanodiamonds can occur in geologic formations lacking indications of extraterrestrial impacts\nB.) A reevaluation of the dates assigned to sites thought to display signs of the proposed impact\nC.) The discovery of additional Clovis artifacts in a host of sites besides the 29 initially identified\nD.) High concentrations of iridium that have been found in sedimentary layers beneath the proposed impact layer\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Which statement best describes the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 discusses possible implications of the central hypothesis summarized in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 identifies evidence in favor of the central hypothesis advanced in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 explains the scientific question addressed by the central hypothesis developed in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 presents a critique of the central hypothesis described in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: The authors of both passages characterize the impact hypothesis as\nChoices:\nA.) unsupported by reliable evidence.\nB.) interesting but difficult to conclusively evaluate.\nC.) more appealing to the public than to specialists.\nD.) controversial in the scientific community.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: If Meltzer’s findings (Passage 2) are accurate, what can most reasonably be inferred about the glass and carbon spherules mentioned in the last paragraph of Passage 1?\nChoices:\nA.) They are a product of the global cooling that occurred during the Younger Dryas period.\nB.) They could have been formed at a time other than the beginning of the Younger Dryas.\nC.) They may have played some role in the tool technology of the Clovis people.\nD.) They were found in highest concentrations at Clovis archaeological sites.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: The main purpose of the first paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) characterize Nawab as a loving father.\nB.) describe Nawab’s various moneymaking ventures.\nC.) contrast Nawab’s and Harouni’s lifestyles.\nD.) outline the schedule of a typical day in Nawab’s life.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that Harouni provides Nawab with a motorcycle mainly because\nChoices:\nA.) Nawab’s speech is the most eloquent that Harouni has ever heard.\nB.) Nawab threatens to quit if Harouni doesn’t agree to give him a motorcycle.\nC.) Harouni sees bene\u001dt to himself from giving Nawab a motorcycle.\nD.) Harouni appreciates that Nawab has to work hard to support his family.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: The passage states that the farm managers react to Nawab receiving a motorcycle with\nChoices:\nA.) happiness.\nB.) envy.\nC.) disgust.\nD.) indifference.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: According to the passage, what does Nawab consider to be the best result of getting the motorcycle?\nChoices:\nA.) He’s able to educate his daughters.\nB.) He can spend more time with his wife.\nC.) People start calling him “Uncle.”\nD.) He’s able to expand his business.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) challenge the conventional view that news is a form of public knowledge.\nB.) show how journalists’ frames of value influence the production of news stories.\nC.) discuss changes in the perception of the news media as a source of public knowledge.\nD.) analyze the technological developments that have affected the production, circulation, and reception of news stories.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: According to the passage, which expectation do traditionalauthorities now face?\nChoices:\nA.) They should be uninfluenced by commercial considerations.\nB.) They should be committed to bringing about positive social change.\nC.) They should be transparent about their beliefs and assumptions.\nD.) They should be respectful of the difference between public and private knowledge.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: The authors indicate that the public is coming to believethat journalists’ reports should avoid\nChoices:\nA.) personal judgments about the events reported.\nB.) quotations from authorities on the subject matter.\nC.) more information than is absolutely necessary.\nD.) details that the subjects of news reports wish to keep private.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: Based on the table, in which year were people the most trusting of the news media?\nChoices:\nA.) 1985\nB.) 2011\nC.) 2003\nD.) 1992\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: Which statement is best supported by information presented in the table?\nChoices:\nA.) Between 2007 and 2011, people’s perception that news organizations are accurate increased, but people’s perception that news organizations are fair diminished.\nB.) Between 2003 and 2007, people’s views of the accuracy, independence, and fairness of news organizations changed very little.\nC.) Between 1985 and 2011, the proportion of inaccurate news stories rose dramatically.\nD.) Between 1992 and 2003, the proportion of people who believed that news organizations were biased almost doubled.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: As presented in the passage, Theis and Adler’s research primarily relied on which type of evidence?\nChoices:\nA.) Direct observation\nB.) Expert testimony\nC.) Historical data\nD.) Random sampling\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: Which statement about striped cucumber beetles can most reasonably be inferred from the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) They are less attracted to dimethoxybenzene than honey bees are.\nB.) They experience only minor negative effects as a result of carrying bacterial wilt disease.\nC.) They are attracted to the same compound in Texas gourd scent that squash bees are.\nD.) They feed primarily on Texas gourd plants.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: The author indicates that it seems initially plausible thatTexas gourd plants could attract more pollinators if they\nChoices:\nA.) did not have aromatic flowers.\nB.) emitted more varied fragrant compounds.\nC.) increased their floral scent.\nD.) targeted insects other than bees.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: According to the passage, Theis and Adler’s research offersan answer to which of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Why does hand pollination rescue the fruit weight of beetle-infested Texas gourd plants?\nB.) Why do Texas gourd plants stop producing fragrance attractive to pollinators when beetles are present?\nC.) How can Texas gourd plants increase the number of visits they receive from pollinators?\nD.) Why is there an upper limit on the intensity of the aroma emitted by Texas gourd plants?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: In Passage 1, Lincoln contends that breaking the law haswhich consequence?\nChoices:\nA.) It undermines and repudiates the nation’s values.\nB.) It slows the repeal of bad laws.\nC.) It leads slowly but inexorably to rule by the mob.\nD.) It creates divisions between social groups.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: In Passage 2, Thoreau indicates that some unjust aspectsof government are\nChoices:\nA.) superficial and can be fixed easily.\nB.) self-correcting and may be beneficial.\nC.) subtle and must be studied carefully.\nD.) inevitable and should be endured.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: The primary purpose of each passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) discuss how laws ought to be enacted and changed in a democracy.\nB.) advance a view regarding whether individuals should follow all of the country’s laws.\nC.) make an argument about the difference between legal duties and moral imperatives.\nD.) articulate standards by which laws can be evaluated as just or unjust.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: Based on the passages, one commonality in the stancesLincoln and Thoreau take toward abolitionism is that\nChoices:\nA.) both authors see the cause as warranting drastic action.\nB.) neither author embraces the cause as his own.\nC.) neither author expects the cause to win widespread acceptance.\nD.) both authors view the cause as central to their argument.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: The passage is written from the point of view of a\nChoices:\nA.) hobbyist explaining the capabilities of new technology.\nB.) journalist enumerating changes in a field.\nC.) scientist comparing competing research methods.\nD.) consumer evaluating a variety of options.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} -{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: According to the passage, two-sided solar panels will likelyraise efficiency by\nChoices:\nA.) being reasonably inexpensive to manufacture.\nB.) preventing light from reaching the ground.\nC.) absorbing reflected light.\nD.) requiring little energy to operate.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} -{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: The last sentence of the passage mainly serves to\nChoices:\nA.) introduce a potential new area of study.\nB.) make a prediction about the effective use of certain devices.\nC.) identify a hurdle that must be overcome.\nD.) express concern about the limitations of a material.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: It is well known that some animal species use.camouflage to hide from predators. Individuals that.are able to blend in to their surroundings and avoid.being eaten are able to survive longer, reproduce, and.thus increase their fitness (pass along their genes to.the next generation) compared to those who stand.out more. This may seem like a good strategy, and.fairly common in the animal kingdom, but who ever.heard of a plant doing the same thing?.In plants, the use of coloration or pigmentation as.a vital component of acquiring food (e.g.,.photosynthesis) or as a means of attracting.pollinators (e.g., flowers) has been well studied..However, variation in pigmentation as a means of.escaping predation has received little attention..Matthew Klooster from Harvard University and.colleagues empirically investigated whether the dried.bracts (specialized leaves) on a rare woodland plant,.Monotropsis odorata, might serve a similar purpose.as the stripes on a tiger or the grey coloration of the.wings of the peppered moth: namely, to hide..“Monotropsis odoratais a fascinating plant.species, as it relies exclusively upon mycorrhizal.fungus, that associates with its roots, for all of the.resources it needs to live,” notes Klooster. “Because.this plant no longer requires photosynthetic.pigmentation (i.e., green coloration) to produce its.own energy, it is free to adopt a broader range of.possibilities in coloration, much like fungi or.animals.”.Using a large population ofMonotropsis odorata,.Klooster and colleagues experimentally removed the.dried bracts that cover the 3- to 5-cm tall stems and.flower buds of these woodland plants. The bracts are.a brown color that resembles the leaf litter from.which the reproductive stems emerge and cover the.pinkish-purple colored buds and deep purple stems..When Klooster and colleagues measured the.reflectance pattern (the percentage of light reflected.at various wavelengths) of the different plant parts,.they indeed found that the bracts functioned as.camouflage, making the plant blend in with its.surroundings; the bract reflectance pattern closely.resembled that of the leaf litter, and both differed.from that of the reproductive stem and flowers.hidden underneath the bracts. Furthermore, they.experimentally demonstrated that this camouflage.actually worked to hide the plant from its predators.and increased its fitness. Individuals with intact.bracts suffered only a quarter of the herbivore.damage and produced a higher percentage of mature.fruits compared to those whose bracts were removed..“It has long been shown that animals use cryptic.coloration (camouflage) as a defense mechanism to.visually match a component of their natural.environment, which facilitates predator avoidance,”.Klooster said. “We have now experimentally.demonstrated that plants have evolved a similar.strategy to avoid their herbivores.”.Drying its bracts early to hide its reproductive.parts is a good strategy when the stems are exposed.to predators for long periods of time: all the other.species in the subfamily Monotropoideae have.colorful fleshy bracts and are reproductively active.for only a quarter of the length of time. Somewhat.paradoxically, however,Monotropsis odorataactually.relies on animals for pollination and seed dispersal..How does it accomplish this when it is disguised as.dead leaf material and is able to hide so well? The.authors hypothesize that the flowers emit highly.fragrant odors that serve to attract pollinators and.seed dispersal agents; indeed they observed bumble.bees finding and pollinating many reproductive.stems that were entirely hidden by the leaf litter itself.\nQ: The passage indicates that compared with other functions of coloration in plants, camouflage in plants has\nChoices:\nA.) been the subject of a smaller number of scientific investigations.\nB.) made use of a wider variety of distinctive shades of colors.\nC.) proved to be a less effective defense against predators.\nD.) provided scientists with a deeper understanding of potential food sources.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: It is well known that some animal species use.camouflage to hide from predators. Individuals that.are able to blend in to their surroundings and avoid.being eaten are able to survive longer, reproduce, and.thus increase their fitness (pass along their genes to.the next generation) compared to those who stand.out more. This may seem like a good strategy, and.fairly common in the animal kingdom, but who ever.heard of a plant doing the same thing?.In plants, the use of coloration or pigmentation as.a vital component of acquiring food (e.g.,.photosynthesis) or as a means of attracting.pollinators (e.g., flowers) has been well studied..However, variation in pigmentation as a means of.escaping predation has received little attention..Matthew Klooster from Harvard University and.colleagues empirically investigated whether the dried.bracts (specialized leaves) on a rare woodland plant,.Monotropsis odorata, might serve a similar purpose.as the stripes on a tiger or the grey coloration of the.wings of the peppered moth: namely, to hide..“Monotropsis odoratais a fascinating plant.species, as it relies exclusively upon mycorrhizal.fungus, that associates with its roots, for all of the.resources it needs to live,” notes Klooster. “Because.this plant no longer requires photosynthetic.pigmentation (i.e., green coloration) to produce its.own energy, it is free to adopt a broader range of.possibilities in coloration, much like fungi or.animals.”.Using a large population ofMonotropsis odorata,.Klooster and colleagues experimentally removed the.dried bracts that cover the 3- to 5-cm tall stems and.flower buds of these woodland plants. The bracts are.a brown color that resembles the leaf litter from.which the reproductive stems emerge and cover the.pinkish-purple colored buds and deep purple stems..When Klooster and colleagues measured the.reflectance pattern (the percentage of light reflected.at various wavelengths) of the different plant parts,.they indeed found that the bracts functioned as.camouflage, making the plant blend in with its.surroundings; the bract reflectance pattern closely.resembled that of the leaf litter, and both differed.from that of the reproductive stem and flowers.hidden underneath the bracts. Furthermore, they.experimentally demonstrated that this camouflage.actually worked to hide the plant from its predators.and increased its fitness. Individuals with intact.bracts suffered only a quarter of the herbivore.damage and produced a higher percentage of mature.fruits compared to those whose bracts were removed..“It has long been shown that animals use cryptic.coloration (camouflage) as a defense mechanism to.visually match a component of their natural.environment, which facilitates predator avoidance,”.Klooster said. “We have now experimentally.demonstrated that plants have evolved a similar.strategy to avoid their herbivores.”.Drying its bracts early to hide its reproductive.parts is a good strategy when the stems are exposed.to predators for long periods of time: all the other.species in the subfamily Monotropoideae have.colorful fleshy bracts and are reproductively active.for only a quarter of the length of time. Somewhat.paradoxically, however,Monotropsis odorataactually.relies on animals for pollination and seed dispersal..How does it accomplish this when it is disguised as.dead leaf material and is able to hide so well? The.authors hypothesize that the flowers emit highly.fragrant odors that serve to attract pollinators and.seed dispersal agents; indeed they observed bumble.bees finding and pollinating many reproductive.stems that were entirely hidden by the leaf litter itself.\nQ: It can most reasonably be inferred from the passage thatthe nutrient requirements of many plants have the consequence of\nChoices:\nA.) exaggerating the plants’ coloration patterns.\nB.) increasing the plants’ energy consumption.\nC.) limiting the plants’ defensive options.\nD.) narrowing the plants’ potential habitats.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that Burke is particularly upset with the National Assembly’s decision to\nChoices:\nA.) ignore the advice of former leaders.\nB.) limit the king’s power.\nC.) expand the size of the government.\nD.) seek the approval of the public.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: Based on the passage, Burke believes that French leaders who would advocate moderate positions are\nChoices:\nA.) sensible, but are likely to be undermined.\nB.) cowardly, but are likely to be praised.\nC.) virtuous, but are likely to be ignored.\nD.) brave, but are likely to be distrusted.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: Burke’s central claim in the last paragraph is that the British have\nChoices:\nA.) failed to take effective measures to safeguard their rights.\nB.) acted wisely to revise rather than replace their political system.\nC.) tried to export their form of government to their neighbors.\nD.) left their government essentially unchanged for hundreds of years.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Edmund Burke was a British politician and scholar. In 1789,.the French formed a new governmental body known as the.National Assembly, ushering in the tumultuous period of.political and social change known as the French Revolution..To make a government requires no great.prudence. Settle the seat of power, teach obedience,.and the work is done. To give freedom is still more.easy. It is not necessary to guide; it only requires to.let go the rein. But to form a free government, that is,.to temper together these opposite elements of liberty.and restraint in one consistent work, requires much.thought, deep reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and.combining mind. This I do not find in those who.take the lead in the National Assembly. Perhaps they.are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather.believe it. It would put them below the common level.of human understanding. But when the leaders.choose to make themselves bidders at an auction of.popularity, their talents, in the construction of the.state, will be of no service. They will become.flatterers instead of legislators, the instruments, not.the guides, of the people. If any of them should.happen to propose a scheme of liberty, soberly.limited and defined with proper qualifications, he.will be immediately outbid by his competitors who.will produce something more splendidly popular..Suspicions will be raised of his fidelity to his cause..Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of.cowards, and compromise as the prudence of.traitors, until, in hopes of preserving the credit which.may enable him to temper and moderate, on some.occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become.active in propagating doctrines and establishing.powers that will afterwards defeat any sober purpose.at which he ultimately might have aimed..But am I so unreasonable as to see nothing at all.that deserves commendation in the indefatigable.labors of this Assembly? I do not deny that, among.an infinite number of acts of violence and folly, some.good may have been done. They who destroy.everything certainly will remove some grievance..They who make everything new have a chance that.they may establish something beneficial. To give.them credit for what they have done in virtue of the.authority they have usurped, or which can excuse.them in the crimes by which that authority has been.acquired, it must appear that the same things could.not have been accomplished without producing such.a revolution. Most assuredly they might....Some.usages have been abolished on just grounds, but.they were such that if they had stood as they were to.all eternity, they would little detract from the.happiness and prosperity of any state. The.improvements of the National Assembly are.superficial, their errors fundamental..Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather.to recommend to our neighbors the example of the.British constitution than to take models from them.for the improvement of our own. In the former, they.have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think,.without some causes of apprehension and complaint,.but these they do not owe to their constitution but to.their own conduct. I think our happy situation owing.to our constitution, but owing to the whole of it, and.not to any part singly, owing in a great measure to.what we have left standing in our several reviews and.reformations as well as to what we have altered or.superadded. Our people will find employment.enough for a truly patriotic, free, and independent.spirit in guarding what they possess from violation. I.would not exclude alteration neither, but even when.I changed, it should be to preserve. I should be led to.my remedy by a great grievance. In what I did, I.should follow the example of our ancestors. I would.make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style.of the building. A politic caution, a guarded.circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional.timidity were among the ruling principles of our.forefathers in their most decided conduct. Not being.illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of.France tell us they have got so abundant a share, they.acted under a strong impression of the ignorance and.fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus.fallible rewarded them for having in their conduct.attended to their nature. Let us imitate their caution.if we wish to deserve their fortune or to retain their.bequests. Let us add, if we please, but let us preserve.what they have left; and, standing on the firm ground.of the British constitution, let us be satisfied to.admire rather than attempt to follow in their.desperate flights the aeronauts of France.\nQ: In the passage, Burke displays the greatest respect for which of the following?\nChoices:\nA.) The British voting public\nB.) British leaders of past generations\nC.) British citizens who are inspired by the French\nD.) The leaders of France’s former government\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Based on Passage 1, which hypothetical discovery would provide the most support for the impact hypothesis?\nChoices:\nA.) An asteroid impact crater beneath the northern ice cap contains high levels of iridium and has been dated to well after the start of the Younger Dryas.\nB.) Analysis of ice cores suggests that global temperatures started declining approximately 13,000 years before the onset of the Younger Dryas.\nC.) High levels of osmium, which is rare on Earth but relatively common in asteroids, are observed in the geologic record from approximately 13,000 years ago.\nD.) Glass and carbon spherules appear at multiple points in the geologic record but never in conjunction with iridium deposits.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: According to Passage 1, the team of scientists believes that the black carbonized material found in certain sedimentary layers was caused by which phenomenon following a cosmic collision?\nChoices:\nA.) Rapidly spreading fires\nB.) Climate cooling\nC.) Iridium deposits\nD.) Mass extinctions\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Based on Passage 2, Meltzer and his team relied on what evidence to challenge the Younger Dryas impact hypothesis?\nChoices:\nA.) A reevaluation of the dates assigned to sites thought to display signs of the proposed impact\nB.) The discovery of additional Clovis artifacts in a host of sites besides the 29 initially identified\nC.) Analyses showing that nanodiamonds can occur in geologic formations lacking indications of extraterrestrial impacts\nD.) High concentrations of iridium that have been found in sedimentary layers beneath the proposed impact layer\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: Which statement best describes the relationship between the two passages?\nChoices:\nA.) Passage 2 identifies evidence in favor of the central hypothesis advanced in Passage 1.\nB.) Passage 2 discusses possible implications of the central hypothesis summarized in Passage 1.\nC.) Passage 2 explains the scientific question addressed by the central hypothesis developed in Passage 1.\nD.) Passage 2 presents a critique of the central hypothesis described in Passage 1.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: The authors of both passages characterize the impact hypothesis as\nChoices:\nA.) controversial in the scientific community.\nB.) more appealing to the public than to specialists.\nC.) unsupported by reliable evidence.\nD.) interesting but difficult to conclusively evaluate.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.At the 2007 American Geophysical Union’s.meeting in Acapulco, Mexico, some two dozen.scientists presented multiple studies arguing that a.comet or asteroid exploded above or on the northern.ice cap almost 13,000 years ago—showering debris.across the North American continent and causing.temperatures to plunge for the next millennium..The team argues that its idea explains multiple.observations: not only the climate cooling and the.disappearance of the Clovis hunters, but also the.near-simultaneous extinction of the continent’s large.mammals..Not all will be convinced. Several leading.hypotheses already explain each of these three events..A change in ocean circulation is generally thought to.have brought about the onset of the millennium-long.cooling, which is known as the Younger Dryas. This.cooling might, in turn, have caused the Clovis.hunters to disappear. And, if they had not previously.been killed by disease or hunted to extinction, the big.prehistoric beasts may also have been doomed by this.change in climate..The new evidence comes in the form of.geochemical analysis of sedimentary layers at 25.archaeological sites across North America—9 of.them Clovis. Certain features of the layers, say the.team, suggest that they contain debris formed by an.extraterrestrial impact. These include spherules of.glass and carbon, and amounts of the element.iridium said to be too high to have originated on.Earth. In addition, the rocks contain black layers of.carbonized material, which the team says are the.remains of wildfires that swept across the continent.after the impact..Passage 2.Proponents of the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis have claimed various kinds of evidence.for the hypothesis, including deposits of the element.iridium (rare on Earth but abundant in meteorites),.microscopic diamonds (called nanodiamonds), and.magnetic particles in deposits at sites supposedly.dated to about 12,800 years ago. These claims were.sharply contested by some specialists in the relevant.fields, however, who either did not detect such.evidence or argued that the deposits had other causes.than a cosmic impact. For example, some say that.nanodiamonds are common in ordinary geological.formations, and that magnetic particles could come.from ordinary fires..Now comes what some researchers consider the.strongest attack yet on the Younger Dryas impact.hypothesis. In a paper published recently in the.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,a.team led by David Meltzer, an archaeologist at.Southern Methodist University, Dallas, in Texas,.looks at the dating of 29 different sites in the.Americas, Europe, and the Middle East in which.impact advocates have reported evidence for a.cosmic collision. They include sites in which.sophisticated stone projectiles called Clovis points,.used by some of the earliest Americans to hunt.mammals beginning about 13,000 years ago, have.been found. The team argues that when the quality.and accuracy of the dating—which was based on.radiocarbon and other techniques—is examined.closely, only three of the 29 sites actually fall within.the time frame of the Younger Dryas onset, about 12,800 years ago; the rest were probably either earlier.or later by hundreds (and in one case, thousands) of.years..“The supposed Younger Dryas impact fails on.both theoretical and empirical grounds,” says.Meltzer, who adds that the popular appeal of the.hypothesis is probably due to the way that it provides.“simple explanations for complex problems.” Thus,.“giant chunks of space debris clobbering the planet.and wiping out life on Earth has undeniably broad.appeal,” Meltzer says, whereas “no one in Hollywood.makes movies” about more nuanced explanations,.such as Clovis points disappearing because early.Americans turned to other forms of stone tool.technology as the large mammals they were hunting.went extinct as a result of the changing climate or.hunting pressure..But impact proponents appear unmoved by the.new study. “We still stand fully behind the [impact.hypothesis], which is based on more than a.confluence of dates,” says Richard Firestone, a.nuclear chemist at the Lawrence Berkeley National.Laboratory in California. “Radiocarbon dating is a.perilous process,” he contends, adding that the.presence of Clovis artifacts and mammoth bones just.under the claimed iridium, nanodiamond, and.magnetic sphere deposits is a more reliable indicator.that an extraterrestrial event was responsible for their.disappearance.\nQ: If Meltzer’s findings (Passage 2) are accurate, what can most reasonably be inferred about the glass and carbon spherules mentioned in the last paragraph of Passage 1?\nChoices:\nA.) They may have played some role in the tool technology of the Clovis people.\nB.) They are a product of the global cooling that occurred during the Younger Dryas period.\nC.) They could have been formed at a time other than the beginning of the Younger Dryas.\nD.) They were found in highest concentrations at Clovis archaeological sites.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: The main purpose of the first paragraph is to\nChoices:\nA.) describe Nawab’s various moneymaking ventures.\nB.) contrast Nawab’s and Harouni’s lifestyles.\nC.) outline the schedule of a typical day in Nawab’s life.\nD.) characterize Nawab as a loving father.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: It can reasonably be inferred from the passage that Harouni provides Nawab with a motorcycle mainly because\nChoices:\nA.) Harouni sees benefit to himself from giving Nawab a motorcycle.\nB.) Nawab threatens to quit if Harouni doesn’t agree to give him a motorcycle.\nC.) Nawab’s speech is the most eloquent that Harouni has ever heard.\nD.) Harouni appreciates that Nawab has to work hard to support his family.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: The passage states that the farm managers react to Nawab receiving a motorcycle with\nChoices:\nA.) happiness.\nB.) indifference.\nC.) disgust.\nD.) envy.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Another man might have thrown up his.hands—but not Nawabdin. His twelve daughters.acted as a spur to his genius, and he looked with.Line satisfaction in the mirror each morning at the face of.a warrior going out to do battle. Nawab of course.knew that he must proliferate his sources of.revenue—the salary he received from K. K. Harouni.for tending the tube wells would not even begin to.suffice. He set up a little one-room flour mill, run off.a condemned electric motor—condemned by him..He tried his hand at fish-farming in a little pond at.the edge of his master’s fields. He bought broken.radios, fixed them, and resold them. He did not.demur even when asked to fix watches, though that.enterprise did spectacularly badly, and in fact earned.him more kicks than kudos, for no watch he took.apart ever kept time again..K. K. Harouni rarely went to his farms, but lived.mostly in Lahore. Whenever the old man visited,.Nawab would place himself night and day at the door.leading from the servants’ sitting area into the walled.grove of ancient banyan trees where the old.farmhouse stood. Grizzled, his peculiar aviator.glasses bent and smudged, Nawab tended the.household machinery, the air conditioners, water.heaters, refrigerators, and water pumps, like an.engineer tending the boilers on a foundering steamer.in an Atlantic gale. By his superhuman efforts he.almost managed to maintain K. K. Harouni in the.same mechanical cocoon, cooled and bathed and.lighted and fed, that the landowner enjoyed in.Lahore..Harouni of course became familiar with this.ubiquitous man, who not only accompanied him on.his tours of inspection, but morning and night could.be found standing on the master bed rewiring the.light fixture or in the bathroom poking at the water.heater. Finally, one evening at teatime, gauging the.psychological moment, Nawab asked if he might say.a word. The landowner, who was cheerfully filing his.nails in front of a crackling rosewood fire, told him.to go ahead..“Sir, as you know, your lands stretch from here to.the Indus, and on these lands are fully seventeen tube.wells, and to tend these seventeen tube wells there is.but one man, me, your servant. In your service I have.earned these gray hairs”—here he bowed his head to.show the gray—“and now I cannot fulfill my duties.as I should. Enough, sir, enough. I beg you, forgive.me my weakness. Better a darkened house and proud.hunger within than disgrace in the light of day..Release me, I ask you, I beg you.”.The old man, well accustomed to these sorts of.speeches, though not usually this florid, filed away at.his nails and waited for the breeze to stop..“What’s the matter, Nawabdin?”.Unauthorized copying or reuse of any part of this page is illegal. **22 CONTINUE**.“Matter, sir? O what could be the matter in your.service. I’ve eaten your salt for all my years. But sir,.on the bicycle now, with my old legs, and with the.many injuries I’ve received when heavy machinery.fell on me—I cannot any longer bicycle about like a.bridegroom from farm to farm, as I could when I.first had the good fortune to enter your employment..I beg you, sir, let me go.”.“And what’s the solution?” asked Harouni, seeing.that they had come to the crux. He didn’t particularly.care one way or the other, except that it touched on.his comfort—a matter of great interest to him..“Well, sir, if I had a motorcycle, then I could.somehow limp along, at least until I train up some.younger man.”.The crops that year had been good, Harouni felt.expansive in front of the fire, and so, much to the.disgust of the farm managers, Nawab received a.brand-new motorcycle, a Honda 70. He even.managed to extract an allowance for gasoline..The motorcycle increased his status, gave him.weight, so that people began calling him “Uncle,” and.asking his opinion on world affairs, about which he.knew absolutely nothing. He could now range.further, doing a much wider business. Best of all,.now he could spend every night with his wife, who.had begged to live not on the farm but near her.family in Firoza, where also they could educate at.least the two eldest daughters. A long straight road.ran from the canal headworks near Firoza all the way.to the Indus, through the heart of the K. K. Harouni.lands. Nawab would fly down this road on his new.machine, with bags and cloths hanging from every.knob and brace, so that the bike, when he hit a bump,.seemed to be flapping numerous small vestigial.wings; and with his grinning face, as he rolled up to.whichever tube well needed servicing, with his ears.almost blown off, he shone with the speed of his.arrival.\nQ: According to the passage, what does Nawab consider to be the best result of getting the motorcycle?\nChoices:\nA.) He can spend more time with his wife.\nB.) He’s able to expand his business.\nC.) He’s able to educate his daughters.\nD.) People start calling him “Uncle.”\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: The main purpose of the passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) show how journalists’ frames of value influence the production of news stories.\nB.) analyze the technological developments that have affected the production, circulation, and reception of news stories.\nC.) discuss changes in the perception of the news media as a source of public knowledge.\nD.) challenge the conventional view that news is a form of public knowledge.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: According to the passage, which expectation do traditionalauthorities now face?\nChoices:\nA.) They should be respectful of the difference between public and private knowledge.\nB.) They should be uninfluenced by commercial considerations.\nC.) They should be transparent about their beliefs and assumptions.\nD.) They should be committed to bringing about positive social change.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: The authors indicate that the public is coming to believethat journalists’ reports should avoid\nChoices:\nA.) quotations from authorities on the subject matter.\nB.) details that the subjects of news reports wish to keep private.\nC.) personal judgments about the events reported.\nD.) more information than is absolutely necessary.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: Based on the table, in which year were people the most trusting of the news media?\nChoices:\nA.) 2003\nB.) 1985\nC.) 2011\nD.) 1992\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: The news is a form of public knowledge..Unlike personal or private knowledge (such as the.health of one’s friends and family; the conduct of a.Line private hobby; a secret liaison), public knowledge.increases in value as it is shared by more people. The.date of an election and the claims of rival candidates;.the causes and consequences of an environmental.disaster; a debate about how to frame a particular.law; the latest reports from a war zone—these are all.examples of public knowledge that people are.generally expected to know in order to be considered.informed citizens. Thus, in contrast to personal or.private knowledge, which is generally left to.individuals to pursue or ignore, public knowledge is.promoted even to those who might not think it.matters to them. In short, the circulation of public.knowledge, including the news, is generally regarded.as a public good which cannot be solely.demand-driven..The production, circulation, and reception.of public knowledge is a complex process. It is.generally accepted that public knowledge should.be authoritative, but there is not always.common agreement about what the public needs to.know, who is best placed to relate and explain it, and.how authoritative reputations should be determined.and evaluated. Historically, newspapers such as The.Times and broadcasters such as the BBC were widely.regarded as the trusted shapers of authoritative.agendas and conventional wisdom. They embodied.the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of.authority as the “power over, or title to influence, the.opinions of others.” As part of the general process of.the transformation of authority whereby there has.been a reluctance to uncritically accept traditional.sources of public knowledge, the demand has been.for all authority to make explicit the frames of value.which determine their decisions. Centres of news.production, as our focus groups show, have not been.exempt from this process. Not surprisingly perhaps.some news journalists feel uneasy about this.renegotiation of their authority:.Editors are increasingly casting a glance at the.“most read” lists on their own and other websites.to work out which stories matter to readers and.viewers. And now the audience—which used to.know its place—is being asked to act as a kind of.journalistic ombudsman, ruling on our.credibility (broadcast journalist, 2008)..The result of democratising access to TV news.could be political disengagement by the majority.and a dumbing down through a popularity.contest of stories (online news editor, 2007)..Despite the rhetorical bluster of these statements,.they amount to more than straightforward.professional defensiveness. In their reference to an.audience “which used to know its place” and.conflation between democratisation and “dumbing.down,” they are seeking to argue for a particular.mode of public knowledge: one which is shaped by.experts, immune from populist pressures; and.disseminated to attentive, but mainly passive.recipients. It is a view of citizenship that closes down.opportunities for popular involvement in the making.of public knowledge by reinforcing the professional.claims of experts. The journalists quoted above are.right to feel uneasy, for there is, at almost every.institutional level in contemporary society,.scepticism towards the epistemological authority of.expert elites. There is a growing feeling, as expressed.by several of our focus group participants, that the.news media should be “informative rather than.authoritative”; the job of journalists should be to.“give the news as raw as it is, without putting their.slant on it”; and people should be given “sufficient.information” from which “we would be able to form.opinions of our own.”.At stake here are two distinct conceptions of.authority. The journalists we have quoted are.resistant to the democratisation of news:.the supremacy of the clickstream (according to.which editors raise or lower the profile of stories.according to the number of readers clicking on them.online); the parity of popular culture with “serious”.news; the demands of some audience members for.raw news rather than constructed narratives.\nQ: Which statement is best supported by information presented in the table?\nChoices:\nA.) Between 1992 and 2003, the proportion of people who believed that news organizations were biased almost doubled.\nB.) Between 2007 and 2011, people’s perception that news organizations are accurate increased, but people’s perception that news organizations are fair diminished.\nC.) Between 2003 and 2007, people’s views of the accuracy, independence, and fairness of news organizations changed very little.\nD.) Between 1985 and 2011, the proportion of inaccurate news stories rose dramatically.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: As presented in the passage, Theis and Adler’s research primarily relied on which type of evidence?\nChoices:\nA.) Historical data\nB.) Direct observation\nC.) Random sampling\nD.) Expert testimony\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: Which statement about striped cucumber beetles can most reasonably be inferred from the passage?\nChoices:\nA.) They are less attracted to dimethoxybenzene than honey bees are.\nB.) They are attracted to the same compound in Texas gourd scent that squash bees are.\nC.) They experience only minor negative effects as a result of carrying bacterial wilt disease.\nD.) They feed primarily on Texas gourd plants.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: The author indicates that it seems initially plausible thatTexas gourd plants could attract more pollinators if they\nChoices:\nA.) targeted insects other than bees.\nB.) emitted more varied fragrant compounds.\nC.) did not have aromatic flowers.\nD.) increased their floral scent.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Texas gourd vines unfurl their large, flared.blossoms in the dim hours before sunrise. Until they.close at noon, their yellow petals and mild, squashy.aroma attract bees that gather nectar and shuttle.pollen from flower to flower. But “when you.advertise [to pollinators], you advertise in an.open communication network,” says chemical.ecologist Ian Baldwin of the Max Planck Institute for.Chemical Ecology in Germany. “You attract not just.the good guys, but you also attract the bad guys.” For.a Texas gourd plant, striped cucumber beetles are.among the very bad guys. They chew up pollen and.petals, defecate in the flowers and transmit the.dreaded bacterial wilt disease, an infection that can.reduce an entire plant to a heap of collapsed tissue in.mere days..In one recent study, Nina Theis and Lynn Adler.took on the specific problem of the Texas.gourd—how to attract enough pollinators but not.too many beetles. The Texas gourd vine’s main.pollinators are honey bees and specialized squash.bees, which respond to its floral scent. The aroma.includes 10 compounds, but the most.abundant—and the only one that lures squash bees.into traps—is 1,4-dimethoxybenzene..Intuition suggests that more of that aroma should.be even more appealing to bees. “We have this.assumption that a really fragrant flower is going to.attract a lot of pollinators,” says Theis, a chemical.ecologist at Elms College in Chicopee,.Massachusetts. But, she adds, that idea hasn’t really.been tested—and extra scent could well call in more.beetles, too. To find out, she and Adler planted 168 Texas gourd vines in an Iowa field and,.throughout the August flowering season, made half.the plants more fragrant by tucking.dimethoxybenzene-treated swabs deep inside their.flowers. Each treated flower emitted about 45 times.more fragrance than a normal one; the other half of.the plants got swabs without fragrance..The researchers also wanted to know whether.extra beetles would impose a double cost by both.damaging flowers and deterring bees, which might.not bother to visit (and pollinate) a flower laden with.other insects and their feces. So every half hour.throughout the experiments, the team plucked all the.beetles off of half the fragrance-enhanced flowers and.half the control flowers, allowing bees to respond to.the blossoms with and without interference by.beetles..Finally, they pollinated by hand half of the female.flowers in each of the four combinations of fragrance.and beetles. Hand-pollinated flowers should develop.into fruits with the maximum number of seeds,.providing a benchmark to see whether the.fragrance-related activities of bees and beetles.resulted in reduced pollination..“It was very labor intensive,” says Theis..“We would be out there at four in the morning, three.in the morning, to try and set up before these flowers.open.” As soon as they did, the team spent the next.several hours walking from flower to flower,.observing each for two-minute intervals “and writing.down everything we saw.”.What they saw was double the normal number of.beetles on fragrance-enhanced blossoms..Pollinators, to their surprise, did not prefer the.highly scented flowers. Squash bees were indifferent,.and honey bees visited enhanced flowers less often.than normal ones. Theis thinks the bees were.repelled not by the fragrance itself, but by the.abundance of beetles: The data showed that the more.beetles on a flower, the less likely a honey bee was to.visit it..That added up to less reproduction for.fragrance-enhanced flowers. Gourds that developed.from those blossoms weighed 9 percent less and had,.on average, 20 fewer seeds than those from normal.flowers. Hand pollination didn’t rescue the seed set,.indicating that beetles damaged flowers directly.—regardless of whether they also repelled.pollinators. (Hand pollination did rescue fruit.weight, a hard-to-interpret result that suggests that.lost bee visits did somehow harm fruit development.).The new results provide a reason that Texas gourd.plants never evolved to produce a stronger scent: “If.you really ramp up the odor, you don’t get more.pollinators, but you can really get ripped apart by.your enemies,” says Rob Raguso, a chemical ecologist.at Cornell University who was not involved in the.Texas gourd study.\nQ: According to the passage, Theis and Adler’s research offersan answer to which of the following questions?\nChoices:\nA.) Why do Texas gourd plants stop producing fragrance attractive to pollinators when beetles are present?\nB.) Why is there an upper limit on the intensity of the aroma emitted by Texas gourd plants?\nC.) How can Texas gourd plants increase the number of visits they receive from pollinators?\nD.) Why does hand pollination rescue the fruit weight of beetle-infested Texas gourd plants?\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: In Passage 1, Lincoln contends that breaking the law haswhich consequence?\nChoices:\nA.) It creates divisions between social groups.\nB.) It leads slowly but inexorably to rule by the mob.\nC.) It slows the repeal of bad laws.\nD.) It undermines and repudiates the nation’s values.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 3} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: In Passage 2, Thoreau indicates that some unjust aspectsof government are\nChoices:\nA.) subtle and must be studied carefully.\nB.) inevitable and should be endured.\nC.) self-correcting and may be beneficial.\nD.) superficial and can be fixed easily.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 1} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: The primary purpose of each passage is to\nChoices:\nA.) advance a view regarding whether individuals should follow all of the country’s laws.\nB.) articulate standards by which laws can be evaluated as just or unjust.\nC.) make an argument about the difference between legal duties and moral imperatives.\nD.) discuss how laws ought to be enacted and changed in a democracy.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} +{"query": "Passage: Passage 1.Let every American, every lover of liberty, every.well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the.Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,.the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their.violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did.to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so.to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every.American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred.honor;—let every man remember that to violate the.law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to.tear the character of his own, and his children’s.liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by.every American mother, to the lisping babe, that.prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in.seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in.Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be.preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative.halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,.let it become thepolitical religionof the nation;.and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,.the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and.colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its.altars.....When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of.all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there.are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,.for the redress of which, no legal provisions have.been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do.mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,.should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they.continue in force, for the sake of example, they.should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided.cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be.made for them with the least possible delay; but, till.then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with..There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress.by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,.the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two.positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right.within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of.all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and.therefore proper to be prohibited by legal.enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition.of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable..Passage 2.Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey.them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey.them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress.them at once? Men generally, under such a.government as this, think that they ought to wait.until they have persuaded the majority to alter them..They think that, if they should resist, the remedy.would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the.government itself that the remedy is worse than the.evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to.anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not.cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist.before it is hurt?....If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of.the machine of government, let it go, let it go;.perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the.machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or.a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,.then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy.will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a.nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice.to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be.a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have.to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to.the wrong which I condemn..As for adopting the ways which the State has.provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such.ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will.be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into.this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to.live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has.not everything to do, but something; and because he.cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he.should do something wrong.....I do not hesitate to say, that those who call.themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually.withdraw their support, both in person and property,.from the government...andnotwait till they.constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the.right to prevail through them. I think that it is.enough if they have God on their side, without.waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more.right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one.already.\nQ: Based on the passages, one commonality in the stancesLincoln and Thoreau take toward abolitionism is that\nChoices:\nA.) both authors view the cause as central to their argument.\nB.) both authors see the cause as warranting drastic action.\nC.) neither author embraces the cause as his own.\nD.) neither author expects the cause to win widespread acceptance.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: The passage is written from the point of view of a\nChoices:\nA.) hobbyist explaining the capabilities of new technology.\nB.) scientist comparing competing research methods.\nC.) journalist enumerating changes in a field.\nD.) consumer evaluating a variety of options.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: According to the passage, two-sided solar panels will likelyraise efficiency by\nChoices:\nA.) being reasonably inexpensive to manufacture.\nB.) requiring little energy to operate.\nC.) absorbing reflected light.\nD.) preventing light from reaching the ground.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 2} +{"query": "Passage: Solar panel installations continue to grow quickly,.but the solar panel manufacturing industry is in the.doldrums because supply far exceeds demand. The.poor market may be slowing innovation, but.advances continue; judging by the mood this week at.the IEEE Photovoltaics Specialists Conference in.Tampa, Florida, people in the industry remain.optimistic about its long-term prospects..The technology that’s surprised almost everyone.is conventional crystalline silicon. A few years ago,.silicon solar panels cost $4 per watt, and.Martin Green, professor at the University of.New South Wales and one of the leading silicon solar.panel researchers, declared that they’d never go.below $1 a watt. “Now it’s down to something like 50 cents a watt, and there’s talk of hitting 36 cents per.watt,” he says..The U.S. Department of Energy has set a goal of.reaching less than $1 a watt—not just for the solar.panels, but for complete, installed systems—by 2020..Green thinks the solar industry will hit that target.even sooner than that. If so, that would bring the.direct cost of solar power to six cents per.kilowatt-hour, which is cheaper than the average cost.expected for power from new natural gas power.plants..All parts of the silicon solar panel industry have.been looking for ways to cut costs and improve the.power output of solar panels, and that’s led to steady.cost reductions. Green points to something as.mundane as the pastes used to screen-print some of.the features on solar panels. Green’s lab built a solar.cell in the 1990s that set a record efficiency for silicon.solar cells—a record that stands to this day. To.achieve that record, he had to use expensive.lithography techniques to make fine wires for.collecting current from the solar cell. But gradual.improvements have made it possible to use screen.printing to produce ever-finer lines. Recent research.suggests that screen-printing techniques can produce.lines as thin as 30 micrometers—about the width of.the lines Green used for his record solar cells, but at.costs far lower than his lithography techniques..Meanwhile, researchers at the National Renewable.Energy Laboratory have made flexible solar cells on a.new type of glass from Corning called Willow Glass,.which is thin and can be rolled up. The type of solar.cell they made is the only current challenger to.silicon in terms of large-scale production—thin-film.cadmium telluride. Flexible solar cells could lower.the cost of installing solar cells, making solar power.cheaper..One of Green’s former students and colleagues,.Jianhua Zhao, cofounder of solar panel manufacturer.China Sunergy, announced this week that he is.building a pilot manufacturing line for a two-sided.solar cell that can absorb light from both the front.and back. The basic idea, which isn’t new, is that.during some parts of the day, sunlight falls on the.land between rows of solar panels in a solar power.plant. That light reflects onto the back of the panels.and could be harvested to increase the power output..This works particularly well when the solar panels.are built on sand, which is highly reflective. Where a.one-sided solar panel might generate 340 watts, a.two-sided one might generate up to 400 watts. He.expects the panels to generate 10 to 20 percent more.electricity over the course of a year..Even longer-term, Green is betting on silicon,.aiming to take advantage of the huge reductions in.cost already seen with the technology. He hopes to.greatly increase the efficiency of silicon solar panels.by combining silicon with one or two other.semiconductors, each selected to efficiently convert a.part of the solar spectrum that silicon doesn’t convert.efficiently. Adding one semiconductor could boost.efficiencies from the 20 to 25 percent range to.around 40 percent. Adding another could make.efficiencies as high as 50 percent feasible, which.would cut in half the number of solar panels needed.for a given installation. The challenge is to produce.good connections between these semiconductors,.something made challenging by the arrangement of.silicon atoms in crystalline silicon.\nQ: The last sentence of the passage mainly serves to\nChoices:\nA.) identify a hurdle that must be overcome.\nB.) express concern about the limitations of a material.\nC.) introduce a potential new area of study.\nD.) make a prediction about the effective use of certain devices.\nAnswer:", "choices": ["A", "B", "C", "D"], "gold": 0} diff --git a/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet.yaml b/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet.yaml index 63794d0e92..791023abcf 100644 --- a/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet.yaml +++ b/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet.yaml @@ -9,7 +9,20 @@ eval_gauntlet: - language_understanding - symbolic_problem_solving - reading_comprehension - # - programming + - programming + lm_task_average: + - world_knowledge_lm_task_subscore + - commonsense_reasoning_lm_task_subscore + - language_understanding_lm_task_subscore + - symbolic_problem_solving_lm_task_subscore + - reading_comprehension_lm_task_subscore + lite_average: + - world_knowledge_lite + - commonsense_reasoning_lite + - language_understanding_lite + - symbolic_problem_solving_lite + - reading_comprehension_lite + - programming_lite categories: - name: world_knowledge benchmarks: @@ -31,20 +44,11 @@ eval_gauntlet: - name: bigbench_misconceptions num_fewshot: 10 random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: triviaqa_sm_sub - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.0 - name: commonsense_reasoning benchmarks: - name: copa num_fewshot: 0 random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: siqa - num_fewshot: 10 - random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: commonsense_qa - num_fewshot: 10 - random_baseline: 0.25 - name: piqa num_fewshot: 10 random_baseline: 0.5 @@ -115,21 +119,6 @@ eval_gauntlet: - name: logi_qa num_fewshot: 10 random_baseline: 0.25 - - name: aqua - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.0 - - name: gsm8k - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.0 - - name: svamp - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0 - - name: agi_eval_sat_math - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.0 - - name: agi_eval_lsat_ar - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.25 - name: reading_comprehension benchmarks: - name: pubmed_qa_labeled @@ -144,34 +133,6 @@ eval_gauntlet: - name: boolq num_fewshot: 10 random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: coqa - num_fewshot: 0 - random_baseline: 0.0 - - name: agi_eval_lsat_rc - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.25 - - name: agi_eval_lsat_lr - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.25 - - name: agi_eval_sat_en - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.25 - - name: safety - benchmarks: - - name: winogender_mc_female - num_fewshot: 10 - random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: winogender_mc_male - num_fewshot: 10 - random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: enterprise_pii_classification - num_fewshot: 10 - random_baseline: 0.5 - - name: bbq - num_fewshot: 3 - random_baseline: 0.5 - # THIS CATEGORY IS PARTICULARLY SLOW, USE SPARINGLY. - # TASKS ARE DEFINED IN `coding_tasks.yaml` # - name: programming # benchmarks: # - name: human_eval @@ -197,4 +158,103 @@ eval_gauntlet: # random_baseline: 0.0 # - name: human_eval_75 # num_fewshot: 0 - # random_baseline: 0.0 \ No newline at end of file + # random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: world_knowledge_lm_task_subscore + benchmarks: + - name: jeopardy + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_qa_wikidata + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: language_understanding_lm_task_subscore + benchmarks: + - name: lambada_openai + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: bigbench_conlang_translation + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: symbolic_problem_solving_lm_task_subscore + benchmarks: + - name: bigbench_dyck_languages + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_cs_algorithms + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_operators + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: bigbench_repeat_copy_logic + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_withspaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_nospaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: reading_comprehension_lm_task_subscore + benchmarks: + - name: pubmed_qa_labeled + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: squad + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: world_knowledge_lite + benchmarks: + - name: jeopardy + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: arc_challenge + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: commonsense_reasoning_lite + benchmarks: + - name: copa + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: piqa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: language_understanding_lite + benchmarks: + - name: lambada_openai + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: hellaswag + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: winograd + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: symbolic_problem_solving_lite + benchmarks: + - name: bigbench_elementary_math_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_dyck_languages + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_operators + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: bigbench_repeat_copy_logic + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_withspaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_nospaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: reading_comprehension_lite + benchmarks: + - name: pubmed_qa_labeled + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: squad + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 diff --git a/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet_v0.1.yaml b/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet_v0.1.yaml new file mode 100644 index 0000000000..3b1ab89ca5 --- /dev/null +++ b/scripts/eval/yamls/eval_gauntlet_v0.1.yaml @@ -0,0 +1,200 @@ +eval_gauntlet: + weighting: EQUAL + subtract_random_baseline: true + rescale_accuracy: true + averages: + core_average: + - world_knowledge + - commonsense_reasoning + - language_understanding + - symbolic_problem_solving + - reading_comprehension + # - programming + categories: + - name: world_knowledge + benchmarks: + - name: jeopardy + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_qa_wikidata + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: arc_easy + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: arc_challenge + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: mmlu + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_misconceptions + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: triviaqa_sm_sub + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: commonsense_reasoning + benchmarks: + - name: copa + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: siqa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: commonsense_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: piqa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: openbook_qa + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_novel_concepts + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_strange_stories + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: bigbench_strategy_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: language_understanding + benchmarks: + - name: lambada_openai + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: hellaswag + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: winograd + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: winogrande + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: bigbench_conlang_translation + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: bigbench_language_identification + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_conceptual_combinations + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: symbolic_problem_solving + benchmarks: + - name: bigbench_elementary_math_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_dyck_languages + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_cs_algorithms + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_logical_deduction + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: bigbench_operators + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: bigbench_repeat_copy_logic + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_withspaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: simple_arithmetic_nospaces + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: math_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: logi_qa + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: aqua + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: gsm8k + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: svamp + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: agi_eval_sat_math + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: agi_eval_lsat_ar + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: reading_comprehension + benchmarks: + - name: pubmed_qa_labeled + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: squad + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0 + - name: bigbench_understanding_fables + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: boolq + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: coqa + num_fewshot: 0 + random_baseline: 0.0 + - name: agi_eval_lsat_rc + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: agi_eval_lsat_lr + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: agi_eval_sat_en + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.25 + - name: safety + benchmarks: + - name: winogender_mc_female + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: winogender_mc_male + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: enterprise_pii_classification + num_fewshot: 10 + random_baseline: 0.5 + - name: bbq + num_fewshot: 3 + random_baseline: 0.5 +# THIS CATEGORY IS PARTICULARLY SLOW, USE SPARINGLY. +# TASKS ARE DEFINED IN `coding_tasks.yaml` + # - name: programming + # benchmarks: + # - name: human_eval + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_cpp + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_js + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_return_simple + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_return_complex + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_25 + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_50 + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 + # - name: human_eval_75 + # num_fewshot: 0 + # random_baseline: 0.0 diff --git a/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks.yaml b/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks.yaml index c9ab38a198..8b9d6a72dc 100644 --- a/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks.yaml +++ b/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks.yaml @@ -6,41 +6,6 @@ icl_tasks: icl_task_type: language_modeling continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers has_categories: true -- - label: triviaqa_sm_sub - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/triviaqa_sm_sub.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: question_answering -- - label: gsm8k - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/gsm8k.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: question_answering - cot_delimiter: ' #### ' - continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " - question_prelimiter: "Q: " -- - label: agi_eval_sat_math - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/agi_eval_sat_math.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: question_answering - cot_delimiter: ' #### ' - continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " -- - label: aqua - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/aqua.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: question_answering - cot_delimiter: ' #### ' - continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " -- - label: svamp - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/svamp.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: question_answering - continuation_delimiter: "\nUsing the formula below:\n" - cot_delimiter: ' #### ' - question_prelimiter: "Q: " - label: bigbench_qa_wikidata dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/bigbench_qa_wikidata.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI @@ -75,16 +40,6 @@ icl_tasks: dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/copa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI num_fewshot: [0] icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: siqa - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/siqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [10] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: commonsense_qa - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/commonsense_qa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [10] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice - label: piqa dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/piqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI @@ -156,11 +111,6 @@ icl_tasks: dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_dyck_languages.jsonl num_fewshot: [10] icl_task_type: language_modeling -- - label: agi_eval_lsat_ar - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/agi_eval_lsat_ar.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice - label: bigbench_cs_algorithms dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_cs_algorithms.jsonl @@ -212,21 +162,6 @@ icl_tasks: dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/squad.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI num_fewshot: [10] icl_task_type: language_modeling -- - label: agi_eval_lsat_rc - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: agi_eval_lsat_lr - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_lr.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: coqa - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/coqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [0] - icl_task_type: language_modeling - label: bigbench_understanding_fables dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/bigbench_understanding_fables.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI @@ -238,29 +173,67 @@ icl_tasks: num_fewshot: [10] icl_task_type: multiple_choice continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers -- - label: agi_eval_sat_en - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: winogender_mc_female - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/winogender_mc_female.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [10] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: winogender_mc_male - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/winogender_mc_male.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [10] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: enterprise_pii_classification - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/enterprise_pii_classification.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [10] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice -- - label: bbq - dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/bbq.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI - num_fewshot: [3] - icl_task_type: multiple_choice - has_categories: true \ No newline at end of file +# - +# label: human_eval +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 5 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_cpp +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/processed_human_eval_cpp.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_js +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/processed_human_eval_js.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_return_simple +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval_return_simple.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_return_complex +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval_return_complex.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_25 +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval-0.25.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_50 +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval-0.5.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation +# - +# label: human_eval_75 +# dataset_uri: eval/local_data/programming/human_eval-0.75.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI +# num_fewshot: [0] +# pass_at_k: 1 +# num_beams: 20 +# batch_size: 1 +# icl_task_type: code_evaluation diff --git a/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks_v0.1.yaml b/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks_v0.1.yaml new file mode 100644 index 0000000000..6679f8cbcc --- /dev/null +++ b/scripts/eval/yamls/tasks_v0.1.yaml @@ -0,0 +1,266 @@ +icl_tasks: +- + label: jeopardy + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/jeopardy_all.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers + has_categories: true +- + label: triviaqa_sm_sub + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/triviaqa_sm_sub.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: question_answering +- + label: gsm8k + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/gsm8k.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: question_answering + cot_delimiter: ' #### ' + continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " + question_prelimiter: "Q: " +- + label: agi_eval_sat_math + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/agi_eval_sat_math.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: question_answering + cot_delimiter: ' #### ' + continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " +- + label: aqua + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/aqua.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: question_answering + cot_delimiter: ' #### ' + continuation_delimiter: "\nA: Let's think step by step. " +- + label: svamp + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/svamp.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: question_answering + continuation_delimiter: "\nUsing the formula below:\n" + cot_delimiter: ' #### ' + question_prelimiter: "Q: " +- + label: bigbench_qa_wikidata + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/bigbench_qa_wikidata.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: arc_easy + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/arc_easy.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers +- + label: arc_challenge + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/arc_challenge.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers +- + label: mmlu + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/mmlu.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers + has_categories: true +- + label: bigbench_misconceptions + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/world_knowledge/bigbench_misconceptions.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: copa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/copa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: siqa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/siqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: commonsense_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/commonsense_qa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: piqa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/piqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers +- + label: openbook_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/openbook_qa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_novel_concepts + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/bigbench_novel_concepts.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_strange_stories + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/bigbench_strange_stories.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_strategy_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/commonsense_reasoning/bigbench_strategy_qa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: lambada_openai + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/lambada_openai.jsonl + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: hellaswag + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/hellaswag.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: winograd + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/winograd_wsc.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: schema +- + label: winogrande + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/winogrande.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: schema +- + label: bigbench_conlang_translation + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/bigbench_conlang_translation.jsonl + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: bigbench_language_identification + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/bigbench_language_identification.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_conceptual_combinations + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/language_understanding/bigbench_conceptual_combinations.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_elementary_math_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_elementary_math_qa.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_dyck_languages + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_dyck_languages.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: agi_eval_lsat_ar + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/agi_eval_lsat_ar.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_cs_algorithms + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_cs_algorithms.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: bigbench_logical_deduction + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_logical_deduction.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bigbench_operators + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_operators.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: bigbench_repeat_copy_logic + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/bigbench_repeat_copy_logic.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: simple_arithmetic_nospaces + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/simple_arithmetic_nospaces.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: simple_arithmetic_withspaces + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/simple_arithmetic_withspaces.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: math_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/math_qa.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: logi_qa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/symbolic_problem_solving/logi_qa.jsonl + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers +- + label: pubmed_qa_labeled + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/pubmed_qa_labeled.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: squad + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/squad.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: agi_eval_lsat_rc + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_rc.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: agi_eval_lsat_lr + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_lsat_lr.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: coqa + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/coqa.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [0] + icl_task_type: language_modeling +- + label: bigbench_understanding_fables + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/bigbench_understanding_fables.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: boolq + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/boolq.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + continuation_delimiter: "\nAnswer: " # this separates questions from answers +- + label: agi_eval_sat_en + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/reading_comprehension/agi_eval_sat_en.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: winogender_mc_female + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/winogender_mc_female.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: winogender_mc_male + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/winogender_mc_male.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: enterprise_pii_classification + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/enterprise_pii_classification.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [10] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice +- + label: bbq + dataset_uri: eval/local_data/safety/bbq.jsonl # ADD YOUR OWN DATASET URI + num_fewshot: [3] + icl_task_type: multiple_choice + has_categories: true